Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Tuesday, February 10, 2015

Charles Francis Adams, U.S. Minister to the U.K., to his son, Charles.

London, February 10, 1865

You ask me what effect the storming of Fort Fisher had in this country. I can only say in reply that coming as it did on the back of Sherman’s victorious march, it has for the nonce made the London Times much more respectful. At the only soiree which I have attended, the first remark a very distinguished lady to me was to congratulate me that the war was coming to an end. She had never said so before. She then commented strongly on the blundering policy of the Times which has aimed at a disruption of the Union, whilst the true interest of England should have prompted them to sustain it. She is a woman of sense, and her own opinion is worth having. But her position places her in a circle where she gets the impressions of people of higher influence in the political world. The notion that the war will not last much longer is universal. It is much strengthened by the late reports of rebels and blockade runners from the southern states. I hear all and say little, rejoice inwardly and betray no emotion.

Singularly enough, however, the public sentiment, disappointed in its, sanguine expectations of our ruin, is now taking a wholly new turn. It is whispered about that if the feud is reconciled and the Union restored, and a great army is left on our hands, the next manifestation will be one of hostility to this country. The various steps to rescind old treaty obligations, especially relating to Canada, which we have been forced to take, are cited as proof of our intentions to attack that country at once. Mr. Seward is as usual paraded as the rawhead and bloody bones before the imagination of the English people. Conscience looking back to the enormous extent to which the neutrality of the country has been abused by acts as well as expressions of sympathy with the rebels, doubtless prompts the fear of the effects of our very natural indignation. There are some who do not entirely suppress a wish that some decided course should be taken at once to ward off all these dangers. A quarrel might yet help the failing rebel cause. If it must come, the wiser way would be to provoke it at once. The only thing needed would be a pretext. And that doubtless could be readily found in the mass of complaints accumulated during the struggle. It was very certain that we had the intention very soon to press a heavy amount of claim for damages done by the Alabama, etc., which never could be allowed. Why not take ground on that subject at once?

Such is the tone of the fighting cocks! But as yet they do not venture to crow loud. The politicians are wary. Parliament will be dissolved in July. And the elections will follow. No one cares about raising a new issue. There will be a very fierce personal canvass, in which individual popularity will tell so far in many cases [as] probably to turn the scale. So far as I can observe, I think there is even more timidity here than there is with our members of Congress in advance of an election. Hence I scarcely imagine the martial tone to be likely to be heard. Very certainly not, if nothing turns up to excite the popular passions on any question. After the seats are won and seven years of tenure are in prospect, the case may be altered. Then there may be bolder utterances. Meanwhile, however, events move fast in America. The thinner ranks of the rebel armies show no signs of recuperation. Their paper money is dear at the price of old rags, for it does not pay for the making. And the heart that upheld them is gone. This stage of the disease cannot last any great length of time. There must be some relief or the collapse is at hand. I doubt whether the allies on this side will be able to stretch out a helping hand in season.

Such is the precise condition of opinion at the moment, caused by the last news of the storming of Fort Fisher ! .. .

Friday, 10th—We lay in camp all day, but large foraging parties were sent out. They brought in great quantities of forage—pork and potatoes, also feed for the animals. The farming is all done here by the negro women and old men, the able-bodied men, white and black, being in the army. We received a large mail today, the first for a month. I got two letters and two packages.

Nashville, Friday, Feb. 10. Last night I had another visit from that evil genius that seems to hover over my very existence, the ague: I shook briskly for about an hour and a half, but it was not followed by a very heavy fever. Got up to breakfast. Found that Keeler had called my name for supernumerary guard. I did not feel able for duty, but as the boys have such heavy duty on every other day, I could not refuse to do all I could, so I went and drew me a musket and turned out to guard-mount. Oh! how ferocious I did look with my brass plates and fixed bayonet. Griff gone to town on guard. The mail has just brought me a letter from John which says Mother is improving, but yet suffering severely.

February 10, 1865.

Had no “general” this morning (our signal for getting up), so when the “assembly” sounded we climbed from our blankets to our saddles and went off on a railroad burning expedition. Our brigade by noon had completely destroyed two and one-half miles. The 17th and our 3d Division crossed the South Edisto to-day, four miles from here. We will cross to-morrow, I hear. Also hear that S. D. Lee’s Corps of Hood’s Army is at Augusta. We whipped them July 28, ’64, and can do it again. I think the whole army is here now. We have 15-day half rations yet. Wonder where it will take us.

10th. On picket. Had a first class guard mount. Everything passed off splendidly. Made the rounds with the Brigade Officer of the Day in the deep snow.

February 10th.—Bright and cold. It is estimated that the enemy lost 1500 men in the fight near Petersburg, and we 500.

Sherman has got to the railroad near Branchville, and cut communications with Augusta.

At the meeting, yesterday, Mr. Hunter presided, sure enough; and made a carefully prepared patriotic speech. There was no other alternative. And Mr. Benjamin, being a member of the cabinet, made a significant and most extraordinary speech. He said the white fighting men were exhausted, and that black men must recruit the army—and it must be done at once; that Gen. Lee had informed him he must abandon Richmond, if not soon reinforced, and that negroes would answer. The States must send them, Congress having no authority. Virginia must lead, and send 20,000 to the trenches in twenty days. Let the negroes volunteer, and be emancipated. It was the only way to save the slaves—the women and children. He also said all who had cotton, tobacco, corn, meat, etc. must give them to the government, not sell them. These remarks were not literally reported in the Dispatch, but they were uttered. He read resolutions, adopted in certain regiments, indorsing the President and his cabinet—of which Mr. B. said, playfully, he was one.

Yesterday, in the House, upon the passage of a bill revising the Commissary Department, Mr. Miles said the object was to remove Col. Northrop. [His removal has been determined.] Mr. Baldwin said the department had been well conducted. Mr. Miles said in these times the test of merit must be success. The bill passed.

Senator Hunter is at the department this morning, calling for the statistics, prepared by my son Custis, of the fighting men in the Southern States. Doubtless Mr. Hunter is averse to using the slaves.

The new Secretary of War is calling for reports of “means and resources” from all the bureaus. This has been done by no other Secretary. The government allowed Lee’s army to suffer for months with the itch, without knowing there were eight hundred barrels of soap within a few hours’ run of it.

From the ordnance report, I see we shall have plenty of powder —making 7000 pounds per day; and 55,000 rifles per annum, besides importations. So, if there must be another carnival of blood, the defense can be maintained at least another year, provided the right men have the management.

A violent opposition is likely to spring up against Mr. Benjamin’s suggestions. No doubt he is for a desperate stroke for independence, being out of the pale of mercy; but his moral integrity is impugned by the representatives from Louisiana, who believe he has taken bribes for passports, etc., to the injury of the cause. He feels strong, however, in the strength of the President, who still adheres to him.

There is much excitement among the slaveowners, caused by Mr. Benjamin’s speech. They must either fight themselves or let the slaves fight. Many would prefer submission to Lincoln; but that would not save their slaves! The Proclamation of Emancipation in the United States may yet free the South of Northern domination.

February 10th. 1865.

The “great movement by Grant’s army,” so much talked of by correspondents, is still wrapped in mystery. Nothing definite has yet transpired concerning it. It is stated, however, on seemingly good authority, that Meade has advanced his lines about four miles, not across the railroad, but parallel with it, and is fortifying. Sixteen siege guns have gone out today, with which he proposes to “occupy the road.”

I believe this move is simply to keep Lee occupied here, and thereby prevent his interference in other quarters.