Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Monday, May 4, 2015

Thirteen miles south of Laurenceville, Va.,

May 4, 1865.

Our regiment in advance of the division crossed the Roanoke at 3:30 p.m. and went into camp here at sunset, making 13 miles. We crossed the N. C. and Va. line about three miles this side of the river. Good country, and people all out gazing.

Chattanooga, Thursday, May 4. A very hot, sultry day. Another battery drill this morning under Lieutenant Sweet. Still the excitement runs high. Grape-vine telegraph is very productive. Every hour through the day has its “special items.” Bets run high, with stakes mostly “something good to eat” after the “muster out.” The situation is yet unclouded, and I can see nothing to prevent us from being sent home soon. Bathed in the Tennessee River in the evening, drilled on the gun after supper. Looks like rain, hope it will and cool the air.

Thursday, 4th—We started at 8 a. m., marched four miles, and then lay over until 6 p. m., when we moved on four miles farther, passing the Third Division, and went into bivouac within a mile of the Roanoke river. The Fifteenth Corps is in advance of us and their rear crossed the river this evening. Our trains are all crossing the river tonight. Weather still pleasant.

4th. In the morning, aided by the girls, I trimmed up the rose bushes and cleaned around the yard. P. M. we all went over to Minnie’s. Uncle Dan telegraphed that he would be along on evening train. Went up to cars. Friends didn’t come. Minnie disappointed. Played at chess a good deal.

May 4th.—Home again at Bloomsbury. From Chester to Winnsboro we did not see one living thing, man, woman, or animal, except poor William trudging home after his sad disaster. The blooming of the gardens had a funereal effect. Nature is so luxuriant here, she soon covers the ravages of savages. No frost has occurred since the seventh of March, which accounts for the wonderful advance in vegetation. This seems providential to these starving people. In this climate so much that is edible can be grown in two months.

At Winnsboro we stayed at Mr. Robertson’s. There we left the wagon train. Only Mr. Brisbane, one of the general ‘s couriers, came with us on escort duty. The Robertsons were very kind and hospitable, brimful of Yankee anecdotes. To my amazement the young people of Winnsboro had a May-day celebration amid the smoking ruins. Irrepressible is youth.

The fidelity of the negroes is the principal topic. There seems to be not a single case of a negro who betrayed his master, and yet they showed a natural and exultant joy at being free. After we left Winnsboro negroes were seen in the fields plowing and hoeing corn, just as in antebellum times. The fields in that respect looked quite cheerful. We did not pass in the line of Sherman’s savages, and so saw some houses standing.

Mary Kirkland has had experience with the Yankees. She has been pronounced the most beautiful woman on this side of the Atlantic, and has been spoiled accordingly in all society. When the Yankees came, Monroe, their negro manservant, told her to stand up and hold two of her children in her arms, with the other two pressed as close against her knees as they could get. Mammy Selina and Lizzie then stood grimly on each side of their young missis and her children. For four mortal hours the soldiers surged through the rooms of the house. Sometimes Mary and her children were roughly jostled against the wall, but Mammy and Lizzie were stanch supporters. The Yankee soldiers taunted the negro women for their foolishness in standing by their cruel slave-owners, and taunted Mary with being glad of the protection of her poor ill-used slaves. Monroe meanwhile had one leg bandaged and pretended to be lame, so that he might not be enlisted as a soldier, and kept making pathetic appeals to Mary.

“Don’t answer them back, Miss Mary,” said he. “Let ’em say what dey want to; don’t answer ’em back. Don’t give ’em any chance to say you are impudent to ’em.”

One man said to her: “Why do you shrink from us and avoid us so? We did not come here to fight for negroes; we hate them. At Port Royal I saw a beautiful white woman driving in a wagon with a coal-black negro man. If she had been anything to me I would have shot her through the heart.” “Oh, oh! ” said Lizzie, “that’s the way you talk in here. I’ll remember that when you begin outside to beg me to run away with you.”

Finally poor Aunt Betsy, Mary’s mother, fainted from pure fright and exhaustion. Mary put down her baby and sprang to her mother, who was lying limp in a chair, and fiercely called out, “Leave this room, you wretches! Do you mean to kill my mother? She is ill; I must put her to bed.” Without a word they all slunk out ashamed. “If I had only tried that hours ago,” she now said. Outside they remarked that she was “an insolent rebel huzzy, who thinks herself too good to speak to a soldier of the United States,” and one of them said: “Let us go in and break her mouth.” But the better ones held the more outrageous back. Monroe slipped in again and said: “Missy, for God’s sake, when dey come in be sociable with ’em. Dey will kill you.”

“Then let me die.”

The negro soldiers were far worse than the white ones.

Mrs. Bartow drove with me to Mulberry. On one side of the house we found every window had been broken, every bell torn down, every piece of furniture destroyed, and every door smashed in. But the other side was intact. Maria Whitaker and her mother, who had been left in charge, explained this odd state of things. The Yankees were busy as beavers, working like regular carpenters, destroying everything when their general came in and stopped them. He told them it was a sin to destroy a fine old house like that, whose owner was over ninety years old. He would not have had it done for the world. It was wanton mischief. He explained to Maria that soldiers at such times were excited, wild, and unruly. They carried off sacks full of our books, since unfortunately they found a pile of empty sacks in the garret. Our books, our letters, our papers were afterward strewn along the Charleston road. Somebody found things of ours as far away as Vance’s Ferry.

This was Potter’s raid.[1] Sherman took only our horses. Potter’s raid came after Johnston’s surrender, and ruined us finally, burning our mills and gins and a hundred bales of cotton. Indeed, nothing is left to us now but the bare land, and the debts contracted for the support of hundreds of negroes during the war.

J. H. Boykin was at home at the time to look after his own interests, and he, with John de Saussure, has saved the cotton on their estates, with the mules and farming utensils and plenty of cotton as capital to begin on again. The negroes would be a good riddance. A hired man would be a good deal cheaper than a man whose father and mother, wife and twelve children have to be fed, clothed, housed, and nursed, their taxes paid, and their doctor’s bills, all for his half-done, slovenly, lazy work. For years we have thought negroes a nuisance that did not pay. They pretend exuberant loyalty to us now. Only one man of Mr. Chesnut’s left the plantation with the Yankees.

When the Yankees found the Western troops were not at Camden, but down below Swift Creek, like sensible folk they came up the other way, and while we waited at Chester for marching orders we were quickly ruined after the surrender. With our cotton saved, and cotton at a dollar a pound, we might be in comparatively easy circumstances. But now it is the devil to pay, and no pitch hot. Well, all this was to be.

Godard Bailey, editor, whose prejudices are all against us, described the raids to me in this wise: They were regularly organized. First came squads who demanded arms and whisky. Then came the rascals who hunted for silver, ransacked the ladies’ wardrobes and scared women and children into fits—at least those who could be scared. Some of these women could not be scared. Then came some smiling, suave, well-dressed officers, who “regretted it all so much.” Outside the gate officers, men, and bummers divided even, share and share alike, the piles of plunder.

When we crossed the river coming home, the ferry man at Chesnut’s Ferry asked for his fee. Among us all we could not muster the small silver coin he demanded. There was poverty for you. Nor did a stiver appear among us until Molly was hauled home from Columbia, where she was waging war with Sheriff Dent’s family. As soon as her foot touched her native heath, she sent to hunt up the cattle. Many of our cows were found in the swamp; like Marion’s men they had escaped the enemy. Molly sells butter for us now on shares.

Old Cuffey, head gardener at Mulberry, and Yellow Abram, his assistant, have gone on in the even tenor of their way. Men may come and men may go, but they dig on forever. And they say they mean to “as long as old master is alive.” We have green peas, asparagus, lettuce, spinach, new potatoes, and strawberries in abundance—enough for ourselves and plenty to give away to refugees. It is early in May and yet two months since frost. Surely the wind was tempered to the shorn lamb in our case.

Johnny went over to see Hampton. His cavalry are ordered to reassemble on the 20th—a little farce to let themselves down easily; they know it is all over. Johnny, smiling serenely, said, “The thing is up and forever.”

Godard Bailey has presence of mind. Anne Sabb left a gold card-case, which was a terrible oversight, among the cards on the drawing-room table. When the Yankee raiders saw it their eyes glistened. Godard whispered to her: “Let them have that gilt thing and slip away and hide the silver.” “No!” shouted a Yank, “you don’t fool me that way; here’s your old brass thing; don’t you stir; fork over that silver.” And so they deposited the gold card-case in Godard’s hands, and stole plated spoons and forks, which had been left out because they were plated. Mrs. Beach says two officers slept at her house. Each had a pillow-case crammed with silver and jewelry—”spoils of war,” they called it.

Floride Cantey heard an old negro say to his master: “When you all had de power you was good to me, and I’ll protect you now. No niggers nor Yankees shall teach you. If you want anything call for Sambo. I mean, call for Mr. Samuel; dat my name now.”


[1] The reference appears to be to General Edward E. Potter, a native of New York City, who died in 1889. General Potter entered the Federal service early in the war. He recruited a regiment of North Carolina troops and engaged in operations in North and South Carolina and Eastern Tennessee.

May 4th. 1865.

The work of preparation progresses, but oh, so slowly. But the work is gigantic. The dismantling of this mighty engine of war; of returning this “citizen army” to its legitimate and proper field of action, transforming it to an army of citizens, is an herculean task. Officers are busy arranging their affairs for the final settlement.

Everything that has passed into or through their hands must be accounted for. There is but one “loop hole” for the dishonest officer. “Lost in battle,” like charity, can be made to cover a “multitude of sins.”

Our pay rolls are completed and have been sent to the Paymaster. We draw clothing nearly every day, as the officers insist every man shall wear a new suit home. Guns, too, are being issued to every enlisted man, as we return our guns to the State Arsenal.

Governor Crapo and Senators Chandler and Howard are in Washington, and come out occasionally to see us.

Drill and dress parade—”fuss and feathers”—are the order of every day.

May 4.—General Johnston surrendered on the 26th of April. “My native land, good-night!”

May 4.—I heard yesterday that there are no cars running south of West Point, the raiders having destroyed the bridges in that section. I intend going to Newnan, as I may have a chance of getting a conveyance from there home.

I have made up my mind to rob the United States Government of a few things; namely, the bedding I have used since I have been in the hospital, and a few other articles. We have the two barrels of whisky, and I also intend appropriating some of that.

To-day I tried, at quite a number of places, to see if they would not barter some sheets or whisky for flour, as I can not take cold corn-bread to travel with; but I did not succeed. This evening a friend of Mrs. F.’s, a refugee, sent me a little, and also a few eggs, so I feel quite rich. I have forgotten Mrs. Ware, who also sent me some flour.

Mrs. Fyffe has no idea how she is to get home, as at least one hundred miles of the railroad track is torn up between here and Chattanooga. She is grieving very much about her daughter. Since she has been here, the last word at night, and the first thing in the morning is, “My dear child, is she living or not?”

My kind friend, Mr. Yerby, is in the country, and I shall not see him before leaving; I feel very sorry for him; he has lost nearly his all in this war. He was at his home last winter; the enemy had been to his house, and had taken every thing that his wife had, not leaving her even a cooking utensil; but that did not make much matter as she had nothing to cook. Since the enemy was there, she and her children have been living on what their neighbors have given them, and they had little to spare. All this distresses Mr. Y.; he says his wife was the picture of despair.

He informed me that the tales which had been told him of the enemy’s atrocities in Mississippi, were truly awful. It was a common thing for them to kill negro children, so as to carry off the parents with greater facility; and that many a negro child had been left to starve in the woods.

I am told that the enemy is behaving badly in Macon. A few days ago a lady took shelter with us from the rain; she was just from Macon, and was there when the enemy arrived. She has come up here to remain until something like law and order is restored.

The armistice was proclaimed before Wilson’s army reached Macon. The mayor and a number of citizens met the army some miles from the city, and informed General Wilson of the armistice, and begged him not to come any further; but he pretended not to believe it, and marched his troops right in. Robbery and scenes of violence are as common as if peace had not been restored.

This lady knew of a gentleman who had killed a Federal in self-defense, and scarcely any notice was taken of it. Her house had been searched many times by bands of the vandals. They took her gold watch and her mother’s, and made a great fuss because they could not get any more. These ladies thought, like others, that an armistice meant peace, and were not prepared for any thing of this kind. Their house is in the suburbs, and all there share the same fate. She says she does not think that General Wilson has it in his power to restrain his men, but he had no right having them there at all. They use the negroes shamefully, and kill them on the least provocation.

This lady’s name is Gordon; she is a relative of General Gordon, of Virginia fame. Her brother, a member of Massindorf’s battery, is now lying wounded in Mobile.

I see by the northern papers that General Canby, who captured Mobile, says he has received a heartier welcome from the Mobilians than he has any place he has yet taken. How can the people there so soon forget their dead? Why, even the enemy can not respect us when we can be guilty of such heartlessness.