Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Adams Family Civil War letters; US Minister to the UK and his sons.

London, December 16, 1864

Popular opinion here declares louder than ever that Sherman is lost. People are quite angry at his presumption in attempting such a wild project. The interest felt in his march is enormous, however, and if he arrives as successfully as I expect, at the sea, you may rely upon it that the moral effect of his demonstration on Europe will be greater than that of any other event of the war. It will finish the rebs on this side for a long time, if not, as I believe, for ever. . . .

Boston, December 11, 1864

Meanwhile you will soon have the message and documents. What do you think of them? They strike me as excellent business documents, and the tone of the message in relation to slavery and conciliation I very much like. We are all tired of that eternal olive branch of conciliation. The rebels play brag and they outrage all nature. Now in public we must outbrag them, whatever chances of conciliation are kept open in private. And by the way, I am very curious to see the Diplomatic Correspondence of this year. Will the curious Scott Russell diplomatic fiasco see the light? I think it ought, if only to prove that we have ever been ready and almost eager to discuss schemes of pacification brought forward with even a shadow of authority.

One report, that of the Treasury, disappoints me mightily, and for reasons which I have already given you. It seems to be an able balance sheet. It proves that we are at the end of our tether and can borrow no more, and it stops there. We can’t go on as we are, he clearly shows, and he has only to propose a continuation of the old measures. He does not state a single principle of sound finance, but he makes a stately onslaught upon “speculators in gold.” Why not also on those in flour and pork? It is, to my mind, very ominous. The people are so weary of an inflated currency that they are far ahead of Mr. Fessenden, and yet he is Secretary, and we must wait to have him ruin his reputation at the expense of our credit. I now very much fear that repudiation of some sort and to a certain extent is well nigh inevitable. We must have taxation and neither systems of finance or gold bills will supply its place. We certainly could retrench immensely —bounties could be cut off for one thing. We could raise more money by a somewhat lower tariff and then the income tax is all our own. For myself I would not grumble at giving one-third of my income for the rest of the war, and, instead of preventing imports by excessive duties, I would stop the consumption of luxuries by a war-tax of thirty-three per cent on all incomes above $5000 a year. You see I have gone crazy on the subject of taxes. I am tired of paying one-tenth of my income for revenue and one-half of it for currency. However, Mr. Fessenden thinks differently and he speaks from the high places. Of our other two national lights, Mr. Sherman is said to entertain the views which I express and your old friend, Thad. Stevens, as soon as he has fixed our currency, is going to regulate by law the rising of the sun, so that the days shall be of equal length all the year round. . . .

Henry Adams, private secretary of the US Minister to the UK, to his brother, Charles.

London, December 9, 1864

Of course Sherman’s march is creating great excitement here. The newspapers, one after another, and about every other day, prove conclusively that he must lose his army and fall a victim to “clouds of confederate cavalry on his front, flank and rear “; to “swarms of patriotic guerillas behind every bush”; to failure of supplies which are all to be destroyed as he moves; to the obstruction of roads, and finally to the army in his front. I will say however that the latest advices of the alarm existing in the rebel kingdom have made their friends here far less confident than they were. My consolation is that by this time the result must have been arrived at, one way or the other; and as I have as much faith in Sherman as I have in any individual of ancient or modern history or mythology, I keep a very stiff courage up and wait confidently the result.

Henry Adams, private secretary of the US Minister to the UK, to his brother, Charles.

London, November 25, 1864

The election is over then, and after all that excitement, worry and danger, behold, all goes on as before. It was one of those cases in which life and death seemed to hang on the issue, and the result is so decisive as to answer all our wishes and hopes. It is a curious commentary upon theoretical reasoning as to forms of Government, that this election which ought by all rights to be a defect in the system, and which is universally considered by the admirers of “strong Governments” to be a proof of the advantage of their own model, should yet turn out in practice a great and positive gain and a fruitful source of national strength. After all, systems of Government are secondary matters, if you’ve only got your people behind them. I never yet have felt so proud as now of the great qualities of our race, or so confident of the capacity of men to develop their faculties in the mass. I believe that a new era of the movement of the world will date from that day, which will drag nations up still another step, and carry us out of a quantity of old fogs. Europe has a long way to go yet to catch us up.

Anything that produces a great effect in our favor on this side, usually produces a sort of general silence as the first proof of its force. So this election has been met on this side by a species of blindness. People remark the fact with wonder and anger, but they have only just such a vague idea of what are to be its consequences, as shuts their mouths without changing their opinions. Only the most clear-headed see indistinctly what bearing it is likely to have on English politics, and I expect that it will be years yet before its full action gets into play. Meanwhile the Government is now stronger than ever and our only weak point is the financial one. May our name not have to stand guard on that! . . .

Charles Francis Adams, U.S. Minister to the U.K., to his son, Charles.

London, November 25, 1864

John writes us that you reached Quincy on the Sunday previous to the election. Hence you had an opportunity to vote on that day. The result is now before us. Its moral effect must be prodigious everywhere. I candidly admit, it has surpassed my most sanguine expectations. In the face of intrigues of every kind carried on for months between traitors both without and within the lines, in the face of the serious difficulties attending the maintenance of a terrible struggle, a large majority of the people, spread over the whole country, without geographical or sectional lines to mark a difference, have expressed their deliberate sense of the necessity of perseverance in the policy once commenced. This sentiment has so pervaded the nation, that not one branch of the government, but every part of it, whether federal or state, has been brought into harmony with it. Not an opening has been left for doubt or question as to the constitutional legitimacy of the decision. This is an extraordinary escape from what at one time looked like a portentous hazard. We owe it, under Divine providence, in some degree to the energy and fidelity of the armies in the field which have nobly co-operated to sustain the government policy by contributing the essential element of success. This most critical danger having been safely passed, I trust the moment is approaching when reconciliation may be expected to commence. The slave question must before long be removed from the path. The hope of independence as the instrument to protect slavery must die with it. What is there left to fight about? All the expectations so sanguinely entertained of a return to old compromises by the agency of General McClellan prove vain. Nothing is left but a new appeal to the sword attempted at every disadvantage in comparison with earlier ones that have failed. Unless the people are stark mad, the issue must be peace or expatriation.

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to his father

Quincy, November 18, 1864

The management of our finances now seems to me not only the greatest but the most inviting field for usefulness which this country affords. Are you acquainted with the present financial temper of the country? Do you know what the present condition of our finances is? My opinion is n’t worth much, but the subject is one which interests me and, as I have lots of time, I’ll write my impressions. In the first place, our people are now taxed to death, not for revenue, but for currency. A dollar represents fifty cents in goods. Bitter experience has taught them that it is better to pay an enormous tax for revenue and more for currency, than only heavy taxes for revenue and half their incomes for currency. I have one thousand dollars income. I could better pay $250 for revenue if a dollar was worth a hundred cents, than nothing at all with gold at 230. This an intelligent people begins to see. In other words a nation has at last learned that paper-money is not wealth and that, after a certain point, the best way to raise revenue is to put your hand in your pocket and pull out the coin. I want to see some bold, obstinate, common-sensed financier just follow out those principles and proceed to regulate our Treasury. If such a one would now take his stand and declare that he would have a dollar a dollar and not borrow another cent, but carry on the war by taxes and taxes only; that he would not ruin the nation by discounting its paper with 7.3 interest at sixty per cent off; that he might tax us half our incomes, but he would make the other half gold; that he would not borrow another dollar now except at par — such a man might now be forced out of office, but his day would come and the country would return to him sooner or later. I think he would carry it through now. They say we now raise $600,000,000 a year. If so, this in gold would carry on the war. The trouble is we pay it out in depreciated currency for every munition of war. Prices once broken down to gold rates, our present taxes apparently would suffice. I believe the country would cheerfully pay the sum necessary to take the Treasury out of the market as a borrower, and if we contracted no more loans the greenback currency would surely rise in value without another effort of the Government. We should indeed have to face a currency contraction and commercial crisis; but surely that would be better now than presently and amid the strain of war could most readily be met and overcome.

This last election has given me a new and almost unbounded faith in the faculty of a free and intelligent people to manage their own affairs. It was conducted with so much temper and moderation, the issues were so fully discussed and, on the successful side, so wholly without clap-trap and buncomb, it has convinced me that our people, to come to correct conclusions, need only full and able discussions, time to think and honest and clear thinkers to guide. The popular mind is now ripe for a correct solution of our financial questions. Up to within a short time people had a sort of blind belief in what Mill calls “currency juggles “; they thought that certain men could manufacture wealth out of printed paper; that national expenditure, credit and debt, in some mysterious way, differed from individual debt, credit and expenditure, and was subject to other and then unknown laws. A fearful expenditure and bitter experience have now made them expect some humbug in all that and to me it seems that they only need to have correct principles bluntly stated to redeem at once past blunders and present troubles. A year ago they were not ready for this and the man who had proposed it would have failed to convince. Now any man who does it will win everlasting honor.

The country begins to suspect that a nation no more than a man can submit to unlimited shaves on his paper and that after a certain point it is true economy to return to cash payments and that to do this you must spend only your income. The Government in this war has never had faith enough in the virtue and intelligence of the people. They have been afraid of their own measures and the people are to-day more willing to honor drafts and taxes than the Government is to impose them. The result has been most disastrous. To carry on this war we need not more than 400,000 men and $600,000,000 a year really furnished. By our timid system of drafts, with their quotas, and credits, and balances, and one year men and all that trash, and our ruinous system of loans and paper money, we have terrified the people by calling on them in one year for 1,000,000 men and we have made the war cost them $1,200,000,000, all because our rulers either don’t know how or dare not tell the truth.

I hope the Government now will come out fair and square and say: “This war costs now so much in men and so much in money as we now carry it on: as it might be carried on it would cost so much. Currency juggles and draft juggles are only swindles. Men and money are the sinews of war. Raised directly, they cost so much; raised indirectly, so much. All that cost in any case must come from you, but that difference is what you must pay if you want to cheat yourself into a pleasing idea that the cost does n’t come out of you but out of somebody else. These are the principles on which finances and military strength depend and three years demonstrate their truth. Now choose ye!” These things need to be brought before the people and the Cabinet should do it, for the President, we know, is not equal to it. What a superb thing it would be to have some man at the head of affairs who could now lead this people, in the midst of the trial and excitement of war, back to correct principles; leading them of their own free will, and simply by pointing out to them their errors as proven by results in their own recent experience.

Henry Adams, private secretary of the US Minister to the UK, to his brother, Charles.

London, November 11, 1864

Meanwhile my hopes of our escaping from England soon are not so buoyant as they, perhaps unreasonably, once were. I feel a feeling that your father may fail us at the pinch. Should he be pressed to stay, I fear he will do so, and I am almost convinced that he will either remain here or go into the Cabinet. This is the only alternative I can see, and I dread either almost equally. Nevertheless I wait what may turn up to adapt my plan of operations accordingly.

The decision must soon be made. We shall next week know the result of the election. We drank to Abraham’s success at dinner last Tuesday. If all goes well, another month will see us settled here for another year, I suppose, or preparing to break up between December and April. This is however a critical time. Although we have news down to the 2d, I would be glad to know that our corner was safely turned, and do not therefore venture to build much on the future. There are some ugly diplomatic questions also that have chosen just this time to come up, and I dread their influence on us.

We are as usual void of news except from the war. I do not comprehend Grant’s moves. They do not seem to be made in earnest. He has the air of playing with Lee, and Lee seems to think so, to judge from Mr. Lawley’s last epistle to the Times. I have been expecting for a long time a movement of the combined army across the Appomattox from City Point, on the rear of Petersburg and onto Lee’s flank or rear, as it may be. What is the use of Lee’s extended lines, if we always attack the same points? Nevertheless, the election once over, I am willing to wait patiently if necessary; for the cautious game is probably now our sure play. . . .

Henry Adams, private secretary of the US Minister to the UK, to his brother, Charles.

London, November 4, 1864

Seldom even among the many rapid changes that my letters have recorded during the last few years, has there been one so great as that which has occurred in my feelings since my last letter. That was written under the effects produced by Reuter’s telegram that “the Democrats had carried Pennsylvania by a large majority which the soldiers’ vote could not overcome,” and that “Maryland had rejected the anti-slavery constitution.” Of Indiana and Ohio nothing was said. The few returns from Pennsylvania we had received were not calculated to refute this statement, and as a necessary consequence the prospect looked more alarming than I ever described it in my letter. You, of course, the danger passed, and breathing an atmosphere of sympathy, may consider my alarm to have been unnecessary and absurd. As for me I look back upon the crisis as I would on a hair-breadth escape from a horrible accident, or from sudden ruin. It seemed then so close, if not inevitable, that the sense of relief is enormous. . . .

But the great thing is that we have now gained time. The result at any rate is now clear. From certain articles in the rebel papers I infer that Lee’s army, especially Early’s command, is no longer what it was, and does not fight as it used. I do not quite understand Sheridan’s success on any other ground. In fact the wonder is that demoralisation has not long ago set in over the whole South. Some day or other it must come, or human nature change. . . .

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to his father

H.Q. 5th Mass. Cav’y
Point Lookout, Md., November 2, 1864

You all appear to entertain curious ideas of Point Lookout and my duties while here. A safer residence or one to my mind less inviting could not well be found. The Post here is established on a low, sandy, malarious, fever-smitten, wind-blown, God-forsaken tongue of land dividing Chesapeake Bay from the Potomac River. It is remarkably well adapted for a depot of prisoners, as it is not only notoriously unhealthy, but most easily guarded. The prisoners’ pens and public buildings are situated on almost an island, and, while only a narrow beach at two points connects this with the main, the whole establishment quietly reposes under the broadsides of various gunboats which garnish this shore. Thus but a poor chance for escape or outbreak is offered to the prisoners. Nor do I think that any very strong desire to get away exists among them as a mass. To be sure they do not here live in luxury, but neither do they starve, and, judging by appearances, for they look tough and well, imprisonment does not disagree with them. The prisoners’ pens are large enclosures, containing several acres, surrounded by a board fence some fifteen feet high, round the outside of which, and four feet from the top, runs a gallery on which sentinels are posted. From this vantage ground they observe the proceedings of our captive and deluded brethren and shoot them, if necessary. Inside, the pens are nothing but large camps, for the prisoners have canvas tents and the devils are more ingenious in making themselves comfortable than I ever supposed southern men could be. It’s a queer, unreal spectacle to go through these pens. During the daytime the fashionable streets are thronged with a gaunt, unkempt, strangely clad multitude of all ages and all styles of dress. The peculiar type of southern man, long, wiry, dirty, unshorn and dressed in the homespun yellow, stands strongly out, and mixed in altogether in one cut-throat throng, you meet the pure white trash of the slave states and men bearing marks of refinement, old men who ought to know better and lads with faces as smooth as an egg. Necessity is the mother of invention and their necessities are great, but, withal, they seem naturally to be an ingenious and tolerably industrious set. Almost every tent is a work-shop and they manufacture all sorts of pretty trinkets and curious toys which they sell to visitors. They’re a dirty set, both naturally and here, almost from necessity, and one of the most marked objects one sees is the large average of men who are always sitting in puris picking the vermin off their clothes. Some of those men have been here eighteen months — one man I captured myself more than a year since — and many of them came here wounded and still more chronically sick. In the hospital there are some 2800 patients, but I do not know what the average of mortality is. Heavy or not, with a view to encourage new corners, I presume, there is always kept piled up close to the main entrance some eighty or one hundred ready made coffins. So much for the prisoners and their pens, to guard whom we are here and furnish for that purpose a daily detail of some one hundred and sixty men.

Our camp is not on the Point where the pens are, but further up the shore and some mile or so from them. Here we look after our horses, build houses, dig wells and stagnate. I’m gradually getting to have very decided opinions on the negro question; they’re growing up in me as inborn convictions and are not the result of reflection. I note what you say of the African race and “the absence of all appearance of self-reliance in their own power” during this struggle. From this, greatly as it has disappointed me, I very unwillingly draw different conclusions from your own. The conviction is forcing itself upon me that African slavery, as it existed in our slave states, was indeed a patriarchal institution, under which the slaves were not, as a whole, unhappy, cruelly treated or overworked. I am forced to this conclusion. Mind, I do not because of it like slavery any the better. Its effects in this case are, no less than in the other, ruinous and demoralising to both races and because swine may be well fed and happy in their filth, I do not argue that it is good to be hog-reeve or hog. I base my opposition to slavery on a broader principle, that, happy or unhappy, it is not good for either that one man should be master and another slave; that such an arrangement is diametrically opposed to the spirit of modern progress and civilization. Meanwhile experience shows that no mortal people of any known race or color will long keep quiet under systematic cruel treatment. They will break out at last and always with a fierceness proportioned to the length and severity of previous ill-usage. The French peasants so broke out in the Jacquerie and ’89, the English in the same way under Jack Cade, the Sepoys in India, and finally the Africans themselves in Hayti and San Domingo, but never in this country. Here, after all sorts of efforts to stimulate them, after arms are thrust into their hands, as the last result of two hundred years of slavery, they are as supine as logs or animals. Thus I am forced to conclude either that our Africans have not the spirit, not of men but of the lowest order of known animals; and alone of all animated creation cannot be tortured into resistance to oppression. Or else that the two hundred years of slavery through which they have passed was of that patriarchal type which left the race as a whole, not overworked, well fed and contented —greedy animals! Commanding a colored regiment, and seeing the ugly characters in it, I adopt the latter as the true explanation of this wonderful supineness. I cannot attribute it, as you do, to “the enervation of the southern, atmosphere,” as that cause did not lead to similar results either in India or in the West Indies. How far now is this war and its tremendous external influences going to revolutionize this miserable, and the more miserable because contented, race of slaves? What I see leads me to believe that it is their only chance of salvation. The negro makes a good soldier, particularly in those branches of the service where a high order of intelligence is less required. Negro infantry, properly officered, would I believe be as effective as any in the world. In regard to their efficiency as cavalry I somewhat share your doubt. After all a negro is not the equal of the white man. He shows this in many unmistakable ways the moment you come in close contact with him. He has not the mental vigor and energy, he cannot stand up against adversity. A sick nigger, for instance, at once gives up and lies down to die, the personification of humanity reduced to a wet rag. He cannot fight for life like a white man. In this regiment if you degrade a negro who has once tried to do well, you had better shoot him at once, for he gives right up and never attempts to redeem himself. So his animal tendencies are greater than those of the whites. He must and will sleep; no danger from the enemy and no fear of punishment will keep him awake. In infantry, which acts in large masses, these things are of less consequence than in cavalry; but in the service which our cavalry does, where individual intelligence is everything, and single men in every exposed position have only themselves and their own nerve, intelligence and quickness to rely on, it is a very different thing. The blacks strike me as excellent soldiers in the aggregate, but individually unreliable.

The Army, however, is the proper school for the race. Here they learn to take care of themselves. They become, from necessity, conversant with every branch of industry. For instance, a day of thorough study of this camp would amaze you. You cannot realize the industry, versatility and ingenuity called forth. The building we do is enormous, and the only materials supplied us are axes and nails. We fell trees, split, cut lumber and shingles, and build stables and houses. Every blacksmith, every carpenter, every shoemaker, every tailor and every clerk is constantly busy, and those who can do nothing else dig and carry until they can do something better. I have even induced Colonel Russell to go out of the way to cultivate forms of industry simply as discipline, such as baking bricks and building to build well. These men make the pumps for our wells and the pumps are good ones. They build chimneys and make plaster and mortar from mud. The large, open fireplace in my quarters evinces no little ingenuity and skilled labor. Such, in little, is what I hope to see the Army become for the black race, a school of skilled labor and of self reliance, as well as an engine of war. As soon as quieter times for soldiers shall come I should hope to see Chaplains and schoolmasters attached to every regiment, and then to see every regiment forced to supply itself with every ordinary description of skilled industry, every soldier made a mechanic, and no ordinary one either, but one who knows that whatever he does he must do in soldier fashion, as exactly, as thoroughly and as well as his materials will admit of. My hope is that for years to come our army will be made up mainly of blacks and number many thousand. I would have at least a four years term of enlistment and yearly sent out from the Army from fifteen to twenty thousand black citizens, old soldiers and masters of some form of skilled labor. Such is my philanthropic plan for the race and I do not know that I can do better than to devote to it some few of the passing years of my life.

Of the men here my conclusions are decidedly favorable. They are docile and take readily to discipline and a large percentage of them, fully as large as of the whites, are decidedly soldierly in their bearing. As horsemen I think they are at least as good as the whites — better, if I might judge by the surprising manner in which our present lot of horses have improved in condition. We have now the best lot of horses, without exception, that I have ever seen in Virginia. Of the courage in action of these men, at any rate when acting in mass, there can no doubt exist; of their physical and mental and moral energy and stamina I entertain grave doubts. Retreat, defeat and exposure would tell on them more than on the whites. So far, as a whole, they more than fulfil every expectation which I entertained. Just now they are slovenly, it is true, that is, have very little idea of making a “neat job” of a thing, and always consider that if a thing will answer a shift, it is good enough for all time. This I try very hard to break up. . . .

Charles Francis Adams, U.S. Minister to the U.K., to his son, Charles.

Hanger Hill, Ealing, November 2, 1864

I fully concur with you in the general view you have always taken of this great contest. The more I have observed its details, the more I have become convinced that it was inevitable. My only mistake was that I undervalued the power which the other party could bring to bear upon it. Misled by the nature of their own calculations, in the variety of which I was not mistaken, I failed at first fully to measure the extent of the co-operation which might be yielded to them under certain contingencies from among ourselves. Nothing but the armament of half a million of our people for a war of extermination has prevented the success of a scheme of disintegration for the purpose of partial reconstruction on a slavery basis. Three years of slaughter have destroyed the vigor of the motive power in this scheme, at the same time that they have furnished an agency to frown domestic treason down. I am now strongly in hopes that the issue of the election will be such as to cut off the very last hope of the disintegrators. Once that event takes place, the slaveholders will very soon become more manageable. Reconstruction for the sake of saving slavery will become a dream, and the fiat which puts an end to that terrible evil will no longer be resisted. There can be no other satisfactory result.

This strife between two conflicting principles is one of the grandest that ever took place on earth. It has enlisted in its support on the two sides a greater physical power than was ever brought to bear on any other question for the same length of time. I do not except even the wars of the reformation. As an example of the popular will acting energetically and unitedly in execution of a specific purpose, it is the most extraordinary event of all time. Thus far the spectacle is sublime. The end is not yet however quite in sight. The process of restoration remains. I am however quite as hopeful of the prevalence of the same patriotism and good sense in that contingency, which has brought us on so far in safety. The heart of the people is yet sound. They may make mistakes as they have done, but they will likewise correct them afterwards in the same manner. The sky is not at all clear, but the ray of sunshine underlies all the clouds.