SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 27, 1860.
Dear Sir: Your second note, inclosing the supposed speech of Mr. Dallas to Lord Brougham, is received. I have read the speech quite through, together with the real author’s introductory and closing remarks. I have also looked through the long preface of the book to-day. Both seem to be well written, and contain many things with which I could agree, and some with which I could not. A specimen of the latter is the declaration, in the closing remarks upon the “speech,” that the institution is a “necessity” imposed on us by the negro race. That the going many thousand miles, seizing a set of savages, bringing them here, and making slaves of them is a necessity imposed on us by them involves a species of logic to which my mind will scarcely assent.
(Apparently unfinished.)
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 15, 1860.
My dear Sir: Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned according to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any very formidable effort to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. Botts.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
August 14, 1860.
My Fellow-citizens: I appear among you upon this occasion with no intention of making a speech.
It has been my purpose since I have been placed in my present position to make no speeches. This assemblage having been drawn together at the place of my residence, it appeared to be the wish of those constituting this vast assembly to see me; and it is certainly my wish to see all of you. I appear upon the ground here at this time only for the purpose of affording myself the best opportunity of seeing you, and enabling you to see me.
I confess with gratitude, be it understood, that I did not suppose my appearance among you would create the tumult which I now witness. I am profoundly grateful for this manifestation of your feelings. I am grateful, because it is a tribute such as can be paid to no man as a man; it is the evidence that four years from this time you will give a like manifestation to the next man who is the representative of the truth on the questions that now agitate the public; and it is because you will then fight for this cause as you do now, or with even greater ardor than now, though I be dead and gone, that I most profoundly and sincerely thank you.
Having said this much, allow me now to say that it is my wish that you will hear this public discussion by others of our friends who are present for the purpose of addressing you, and that you will kindly let me be silent.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, August 14., 1860.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 10th is received, and for which I thank you. I would cheerfully answer your questions in regard to the fugitive-slave law were it not that I consider it would be both imprudent and contrary to the reasonable expectation of my friends for me to write or speak anything upon doctrinal points now. Besides this, my published speeches contain nearly all I could willingly say. Justice and fairness to all, is the utmost I have said, or will say. Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Sep 22, 1860.
MRS. M. J. GREEN
My dear Madam: Your kind congratulatory letter, of August, was received in due course, and should have been answered sooner. The truth is I have never corresponded much with ladies; and hence I postpone writing letters to them, as a business which I do not understand. I can only say now I thank you for the good opinion you express of me, fearing, at the same time, I may not be able to maintain it through life.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN
Osawatomie K T 16th Dec 1855 Sabbath Evening
Dear Wife & Children every one
I improve the first Mail since my return from the camp of volunteers who lately turned out for the defence of the town of Lawrence in this Territory; & not withstanding I suppose you have learned the result before this (possibly) will give a brief account of the invasion in my own way. About Three of the Four Weeks ago news came that a Free State man by the name of Dow had murdered by a pro-Slavery man by the name of Coleman; who had gone & given himself up for trial to pro Slavery Gov Shannon. This was soon followed by further news that a Free State man who was the only reliable witness against the murderer had been seized by a Missourian appointed Sheriff by the Bogus Legislature of Kansas upon false pretexts examined, & held to Bail under such heavy bonds to answer to those false charges as he could not give; & that while on his way to jail in charge of the Bogus Sheriff; he was rescued by some men belonging to a company near Lawrence; & that in consequence of the rescue Gov Shannon had ordered out all the pro Slavery force he could muster in the Territory; & called on Missouri for further help; that about two thousand had collected demanding a surrender of the rescued witness, & of the rescuers; the destruction of several buildings & printing presses & giving up of the Sharp’s Rifles by the Free State men; some threatening to destroy the Town with Cannon with which they were provided etc & that about an equal number of Free State men had turned out to resist them, & that a Battle was hourly expected; or supposed to have been already fought. These reports appeared to be well authenticated; but we could get no further account of matters; & I left this for the place where the Boys are settled at Evening intending to go to Lawrence to learn the facts the next day. John was however started on Horseback; but before he had gone many rods word came that our help was immediately wanted. On getting this last news it was at once agreed to break up at Johns Camp, & take Wealthy, & Jonny to Jasons Camp, (some Two Miles off); & that all the men but Henry, Jason, & Oliver, should at once set off for Lawrence under Arms, those Three being wholly unfit for duty. We then set about providing a little Corn Bread; & Meat, Blankets, Cooking Utensils, running Bullets, loading all our Guns Pistols etc. The Five set off in the Afternoon, & after a short rest in the Night (which was quite dark) continued our march untill after daylight next Morning when we got our Breakfast, started again; & reached Lawrence in the Forenoon all of us more or less lamed by our tramp. In reaching the place we found that negotiations had commenced between Gov Shannon(having a force of some Fifteen or Sixteen Hundred men) & the principal leaders of the Free State men; they having a force of some Five Hundred men at that time. These were busy night & day fortifying the Town with Embankments; & circular Earthworks up to the time of the Treaty with the Gov; as an attack was constant looked for; not withstanding the negociations then pending; This state of things continued from Friday until Sunday Evening. On the Evening we left a company of the invaders of from Fifteen to Twenty attacked some Three or Four Free State men mostly unarmed killing a Mr Barber from Ohio wholly unarmed. His boddy was afterward brought in; & lay for some days in the room afterward occupied by a part the company to which belong; (it being organized after we reached Lawrence) The building was a large unfinished Stone Hotel; in which a great part of the volunteers were quartered; & who witnessed the scene of bringing in the Wife & other friends of the murdered man. I will only say of this scene that it was Heart rending; & calculated to exasperate the men exceedingly; & one of the sure results of Civil War. After frequently calling on the leaders of the Free State men to come & have an interview with him, by Gov Shannon; & after as often getting for answer that if we had any business to transact with any one in Lawrence to come, & attend to it; he signified his wish to come into the Town; & an escort was sent to the invaders Camp to conduct him in. When there the leading Free State men finding out his weakness, frailty, and conciousness of the awkward circumstances into which he had really got himself; took advantage of his Cowardice, & Folly; & by means of that; & the free use of Whiskey; & some Trickery; succeeded in getting a written arrangement with him much to their own liking. He stipulated with them to order the pro Slavery men of Kansas home; & to proclaim to the Missouri invaders that they must quit the Territory without delay; & also give up Gen Pomeroy a prisoner on their Camp; which was all done; he also recognizing the volunteers as the Militia of Kansas; & empowering their Officers to call them out whenever in their discretion the safety of Lawrence or other portions of the territory might require it to be done He Gov Shannon gave up all pretention of further attempt to enforce the enactments of the Bogus Legislature, & retired subject to the derision & scoffs of the Free State men (into whose hands he had commited the welfare & protection of Kansas); & to the pity of some; & the curses of others of the invading force So ended this last Kansas invasion the Missourians returning with flying colors after incuring heavy expences; suffering great exposure, hardships & privations; not having fought any Battles, Burned or destroyed any infant Towns, or Abolition Presses; leaving the Free Statemen organized, & armed; & in full possession of Territory; not having fulfilled any of all their dreadful threatenings, except to murder One unarmed man; & to commit some Roberies, & waste of property uppon defenceless families unfortunately in their power. We learn by their papers they boast of a great victory over the Abolitionists; & well they may. Free State men have only hereafter to retain the footing they have gained; And Kansas is Free. Yesterday the people passed uppon the Free State Constitution. The result though not yet known; no one doubts. One little circumstance connected with our own number showing a little of the true character of those invaders. On our way about Three Miles from Lawrence we had to pass a Bridge (with Arms and Amunition) of which the invaders held possession; but as the Five had each a gun, with two large Revolvers in a Belt (exposed to view) with a Third in his Pocket; & as we moved directly on to the bridge without making any halt, they for some reason suffered us to pass without interruption; notwithstanding there were some Fifteen toTwenty Five (as variously reported) stationed in a Log House at one end of the Bridge. We could not count them. A Boy on our approach ran & gave them notice. Five others of our Company well armed; who followed us some Miles behind met with equally civil treatment the same day. After we left to go to Lawrence until we returned when disbanded; I did not see the last sign of cowardice or want of self possession exhibited by any volunteer of the Eleven Companies who constituted the Free State force & I never expect again to see an equal number of such well behaved, cool, determined men; fully as I believe sustaining the high character of the Revolutionary Fathers; but enough of this as we intend to send you a paper giving a more full account of the affair. We have cause for gratitude in that we all returned safe, & well; with the exception of hard Colds; & found those left behind rather improving. We have received Fifty Dollars from Father, & learn from him that he has sent you the same amount for which we ought to be grateful; as we are much relieved both as respects ourselves; & you. The mails have been kept back during the invasion; but we hope to hear from you again soon. Mr. Adairs folks are well; or nearly so. Weather mostly pleasant but sometimes quite severe. No snow of account as yet. Can think of but little more tonight. Monday Morning 17th Dec. The ground for the first time is barely Whitened with snow & it is quite cold but we have before had a good deal of cold weather with heavy Rains. Henry & Oliver & I may Jason were disappointed in not being able to go to war. The disposition at both our Camps to turn out was uniform I believe I have before acknowledged the receipt of a letter from you & Watson. Have just taken one from the Office for Henry that I think to be from Ruth. Do write often & let me know all about how you get along through the Winter. May God abundantly bless you all; & make you faithful.
Yours Affectionate Husband & Father
John Brown
To O. P. Hall AND I (or J.) H. Fullininder
SPRINGFIELD Feb. 4, 1860.
Messrs. O. P. Hall &
…………I OR J. H. Fullininder.
Gentlemen: Your letter in which, among other things, you ask what I meant when I said this “Union could not stand half slave and half free “; and also what I meant when I said “a house divided against itself could not stand” is received and I very cheerfully answer it as plainly as I may be able. You misquote, to some material extent, what I did say, which induces me to think you have not very carefully read the speech in which the expressions occur which puzzle you to understand. For this reason and because the language I used is as plain as I can make it, I now quote at length the whole paragraph in which the expressions which puzzle you occur. It is as follows: “We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but constantly augmented. I believe it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. A house divided against itself can not stand. I believe this government can not endure permanently, half slave, and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved: I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will avert the further spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it will become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new, North as well as South.”
That is the whole paragraph; and it puzzles me to make my meaning plainer. Look over it carefully, and conclude I meant all I said, and did not mean any thing I did not say, and you will have my meaning. Douglas attacked me upon this, saying it was a declaration of war between the slave and the free states. You will perceive, I said no such thing, and I assure you I thought of no such thing. If I had said I believe the Government cannot last always half slave and half free, would you understand it any better than you do? Endure permanently and last always have exactly the same meaning. If you, or if you will state to me some meaning which you suppose I had, I can and will instantly tell you whether that was my meaning.
Your very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
Kansas 1855
Browns Station, Kansas Territory, 14th Decem 1855
Orson Day Esqr
White Hall
N Y Dear Sir
I have just returned for the Kansas War (about which you have no doubt learned by the news papers;) & find your Letter of the 19th Nov. As I intend to send you shortly a paper published here giving you a more full account of the invasion than I can consistently afford the time to give; I will only say at this time that the territory is now entirely in the power of the Free State men; & notwithstanding this result has been secured by means of some bravery, & tact; with a good deal of trickery on the one side; & of cowardice, folly, & drunkeness on the other yet so it is; & I believe the Missourians will give up all further hope of making Kansas a Slave State. Tomorrow the people of Kansas will decide whether to adopt or to reject the Free Constitution submitted to them; & I have no doubt of its adoption. Indeed I consider it no longer a question whether this is to be a free or a Slave State. As I wrote you a few days since we have secured a good claim for you & shall be preparing to build on it for you as fast as we can. As we have access to no Saw Mill as yet for any lumber. Think you & Mrs Day had better leave the plannig of a House to Mr. Thompson & myself; but still if you send us a plan in season we will conform to it so far as circumstances will allow of it. Could you be on the ground & understand all the circumstances in connection you would probably decide to do in many respects different from what you would if at White Hall. I would be glad to get you to buy a Draft on New York at some good bank in your vicinity for $146.38 One Hundred & Forty Six Dollars & Thirty Eight Cents payable to the order of T W Carter, Esqr; & send it to him in a letter directed T W Carter Esqr. Agent Mass. Arms Co. Chicopee Falls, Mass.; asking him to acknowlege the receipt as for me; & will make the same all right with you I want to remit him that amount in payment for Fire arms sent me by him; & without which we might have been placed in very awkward circumstances. I am more & more plased with this country; & with the prospects of my friends here; & think I may recommend it to you in good faith. Please write me on receipt of this whether you can accommodate me about the Draft for Mr. Carter or not; so that I may know as soon as may be. Land Warrants will be as good as gold in payment for Land as soon as the Lands are in readiness for market; & you will be safe in improving on a Claim while you keep a Warrant ready to pay for it with The health of my Family out here is improving. The most of them are in fine health. In great haste Your Friend
John Brown
To Alexander H. Stephens
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, 19 January’, 1860.
Duplicated for Senator Jno. J. Crittenden
Honorable A. H. Stephens [1]
Dear Sir: Your letter and one from Hon. J. J. Crittenden, reached me at the same time. He wants a new party on the platform of “The Union, the constitution and the enforcement of the Laws” — not construed. You from your retirement at Liberty Hall complain of the bad faith of many in the free states who refuse to return fugitives from labor, as agreed in the compromise of 1850, 1854: but I infer that you agree with Judge Douglas that the territories are to be left to “form and regulate their own domestic institutions subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” I remember the letter of the Whigs in Congress in 1852 which defeated Gen’l Winfield Scott on the ground that he did not present your view of States’ rights. Also that your letter destroyed the Whig party and it is said that you and Toombs voted for Webster after he was dead. You are still “harping” on “my daughter” and you supported Zach Taylor as a sound Kentuckian. If I understand you, here are two constructions: Crittenden being willing for the Henry Clay gradual emancipation, I think. The rights of local self-government as defined by Webster, also including state determination of citizenship, are clearly in the Constitution. When we were both Members of the Young-Indian Club in Washington you then argued for paramount state Sovereignty going very nearly to the extreme of state nullification of Federal laws with John C. Calhoun: and of secession at will with Robert Toombs. The Colonies were subject up to July 4, 1776, and had no recognized independence until they had won it in 1783: but the only time they ever had the shadows of separate sovereignty was in the two years before they were compelled to the articles of Confederation July 9, 1778. They fought England for seven years for the right to club together but when were they independent of each other? Let me say right here that only unanimous consent of all of the states can dissolve this Union. We will not secede and you shall not. Let me show you what I think of the reserved rights of the states as declared in the articles of Confederation and in the Constitution and so called Jeffersonian amendments; suppose that I sold a farm here in Illinois with all and singular the rights, members and appurtenances to the same in any wise belonging or appertaining, signed, sealed and delivered: I have now sold my land. Will it at all change the contract if I go to the clerk’s office and add a post script to the record; that all rights not therein conveyed I reserve to myself and my children? The colonies, by the Declaration of July 4, 1776, did not get nationality, for they were leagued to fight for it. By the articles of Confederation of July 9, 1778, under stress and peril of failure without union, a government was created to which the states ceded certain powers of nationality, especially in the command of the army and navy, as yet supported by the states. Geo. Washington was Commander in Chief and congress was advisory agent of the states, commending but not enacting laws for the thirteen, until empowered. This proved insufficient and the peril of failure was great as ever, at home and abroad. Alexander Hamilton and others of New York were first to urge that a government with no revenues, except state grants, could have no credit at home or abroad. Three years later Virginia led the states in urging concessions of power, and then by twelve states —Rhode Island objecting — was framed our original Constitution of 1787 fully three and a half years after the peace that sealed our United national Independence. The post-script erroneously all attributed to Thomas Jefferson, came in three installments. The first ten (10) proposed in the first session of the Congress of the United States 25th September 1789 were ratified by the constitutional number of states 15 December 1791, New Jersey 20 November 1789 and Virginia is December 1791, eleven states only, Georgia and Connecticut dissenting. The eleventh amendment, proposed 5 March 1794., Third Congress, was then declared duly adopted by a President’s message of 8 January, 1798, eleven states consenting & finally all consenting. The twelfth amendment was proposed in congress 12 December 1803 and declared ratified through the secretary of state 25 September 1804 by the constitutional quorum of states. The first ten articles are the Bill of Rights and each set of amendments had a preface. The eleventh limited the Federal Judiciary. The twelfth regulated general elections for President and Vice-President of the United States. Do any or all of these retract the fee-simple grant of great and permanent powers to the Federal Government? There are three great Departments: I, the President commanding the Army and Navy and with a veto upon a plurality of Congress. II, the Congress coining all moneys; collecting all imposts on imports, regulating all interstate as all external commerce; making all subordinate Federal Judiciary as appointed of the President with power to have a ten mile square seat and to take grants or to buy for Forts, Dock yards and Arsenals; having post offices and post roads under laws executed by the President, and to frame supreme constitutional laws and set up courts and Judges. III, The supreme court set as arbiter and expounder of the constitution and of all differences of states and with states or of them with the Federation; no loop hole left for nullification, and none for secession, — because the right of peaceable assembly and of petition and by article Fifth of the Constitution, the right of amendment, is the Constitutional substitute for revolution. Here is our Magna Carta not wrested by Barons from King John, but the free gift of states to the nation they create and in the very amendments harped upon by states rights men are proposed by the Federal congress and approved by Presidents, to make the liberties of the Republic of the West forever sure. All of the States’ Rights which they wished to retain are now and forever retained in the Union, including slavery; and so I have sworn loyalty to this constitutional Union, and for it let me live or let me die. But you say that slavery is the corner stone of the south and if separated, would be that of a new Republic; God forbid. When a boy I went to New Orleans on a flat boat and there I saw slavery and slave markets as I have never seen them in Kentucky, and I heard worse of the Red River plantations. I hoped and prayed that the gradual emancipation plan of Henry Clay or the Liberian colonization of John Q. Adams might lead to its extinction in the United States. Geo. Washington, the Massachusetts Adams, Presidents James Madison and Monroe, Benj. Franklin opposed its extension into the territories before I did. The ordinance of 1784, 1787 for the North West territory ceded by Virginia, was written by Thomas Jefferson and signed only by slave-holders and that prohibited forever slavery, or involuntary servitude not imposed for crime. Your grandfather, Captain Stephens, suffered at Valley Forge and bled at Brandywine for the principles of the men of 1776-1783. Your Uncle, Justice Grier of the Supreme Bench has recently expounded the Supreme Law as I honestly accept it. Senator Crittenden complains that by the device of party conventions and nominations of candidates for Presidents and Vice-Presidents the Federal plan of separate and unbiased Electoral Colleges is taken away and the popular feature of elections is restored to the people. I reckon they wanted it so. What are you agoing to do about it? To abolish conventions you must abolish candidates. In your Oxford College orations, you say “I love the Union and revere its memories; I rejoice in all its achievements in arts, in letters and in arms.”If it is a good thing, why not just keep it and say no more about it?
I am not in favor of a party of Union, constitution and law to suit Mr. Bell or Mr. Everett and be construed variously in as many sections as there are states.
This is the longest letter I ever dictated or wrote. But this is to only you alone, not to the public.
Your truly,
A. LINCOLN.
[1] From a pamphlet entitled Some Lincoln Correspondence with Southern Leaders before the Outbreak of the Civil War, from the Collection of Judd Stewart, 1909. The letter was there printed from a copy certified as correct by Mr. Stephens.
Kansas 1855
Richmond friday Dec 7 1855
Dear Brother
Thinking you May Want to hear Whare I am and how I get along I take my pen to inform you – I am on my way to Kansas City My health is improving. I think if I am carefull I Shall get along without any more trouble from Sickness unless I take cold – in Regard To the State of things here it is imposable to tell how things are – one thing is certain Thare is a grate Excitment here the Missourians tell terible Stories about the Abolitionest they Say the abilitionest are Driving out pro Slavery famelies & Burning thare Houses others Say thare is a conspiracy to do that thing – the probable trouth is that thare was a Difficulty Beteen a free State man & a pro Slavery man the pro Slavery Man Shot the free State man & killed him and he was taken by the Sheriff and the people at Lawrence or about 40 men took him from the Sheriff & Thretened to Shoot or Hang him that probably is about the trouth in the case thare is great Stories got up for the Momment to cause Excitment – The Report is that thare are Eleven Hundred Men at Lawrence all armed With Sharps Riffels With Six Cannon and that they have Thrown an imbankment around the City and are Deturmined to fight – the pro Slavery party have at the Last account about Eight Hundred in the vicinity of Lawrence and Wer coming in from all quarters – the govenor Says he Wants three thousand Men then he Shall trye to Subdue the Rebelion – the Report is that the president has instructed the govenor to Call out the Soldiers from the forts in this vicinity to help put down the Rebelion as I Said Before it is imposable to tell What to beleive one thing is Certain thare is a very grate Excitment thare has ben – Reselutions passed by the Missourians To Burn Lawrence and drive out the Dambd Abilitionists – What the Result Will be god only Can tell if they Should get afiting whare it will End it is imposable for human Knowlage to fore See My prayer is that god Who Controols the affairs of men will Controol these – Raging Elements & Bring about a calm
I think I Shall be in Kansas City tomorow Evening if nothing happens then I Can tell Better How things Look and perhaps get Something nearer the truth – The Report is that Judge Johnson who came up on the Boat with us and Left Lexington Sabbath Morning in Company with Mr Whitney has ben arested also General Pumroy and two other Men and that Pumroy has got away from them and is at Lawrence Cince Wrighting the above thare has a Stage driven come from Weston who Says thare has ben a fight and that thare has ben 60 pro Slavery men Killed and Woonded. I think this is not So but to help fan and the Excitment So as to get men Enough thare to over [???] the Rebbils as they are Called here – I think the Dye will be Cast Within two or three days – if I am a Live and Well I will Wright you again – you need not give your Self any unesines about me I Shall trye to Keep out of harms Way – if they Should get a fighting I Should Return Home as I Could do no buisnes out here – Remember me to all Who is or may be interested
Respectfully yours Hiram Hill
P S. if thare is anything in this that you think Would be intresting to Geare or Trumble you may pick it out to send it them
– good By H Hill