Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Tuesday, June 10, 2014

June 10, Friday. The caucus of the New Hampshire members of the legislature friendly to the Administration has resulted in the substitution of Cragin for John P. Hale. This will be a sore and sad disappointment to Hale, who had until recently thought himself invincible in New Hampshire. Although I have no doubt he would make terms with the Copperheads if he could, they would not with him, and it therefore seems scarcely possible that it can be otherwise than he will be fully and finally defeated. I rejoice at it, for he is worthless, a profligate politician, a poor Senator, an indifferent statesman, not without talents, though destitute of industry, and I question his integrity. He has some humor, is fond of scandal, delights in defaming, loves to oppose, and is reckless of truth in his assaults. The country will sustain no loss from his retirement. As chairman of the Naval Committee and the organ of communication between the Navy Department and the Senate, he has rendered no service, but has been a constant embarrassment and obstruction. During the whole of this civil war, when all our energies and efforts were exerted in the cause of the Union and the country, no assistance, no word of encouragement even, has ever come to the Department from John P. Hale; but constant assaults, insinuations, and pronounced, if not wilful and deliberate, misrepresentations have emanated from him. Of course, I shall not regret his defeat, for though his term does not expire till the close of this Administration, and my connection with the Government may terminate at the same time, I am glad that his factious conduct is not indorsed by his State, and that the buffoon and vilifier will not be in a position to do further injury. He has been less offensive this session than heretofore, whether because he had become aware that his conduct did not meet the approval of the people and the election was at hand, I care not to judge.

A letter from Admiral Gregory, inclosing a report from himself and Chief Engineer King on the Chimo, one of the light-draught monitors, gives a bad account. There have been mistakes and miscalculations in this class of vessels of a serious character. Stimers and Fox have had them in charge, and each has assured me that my apprehensions were groundless. Fox has been persistent in this matter, and assumed that the objections were wholly groundless. Admiral Gregory has also given me strong assurances that all was right. The Chimo, the first, would, he said, be a little deep, but this would be obviated in all the others, and not very bad in her case. I am not satisfied with Stimers’s management, yet Fox has in this matter urged what has been done. The report indicates unfitness on the part of Stimers, who miscalculated or made no calculation for displacement, has become vain, and feared to acknowledge his error.

Friday, June 10th. The rebels shelled the Coehorn Mortar Battery manned by Capt. Jones’ Co. D to-day, but did no damage. Clothing and more rations were issued, and it looks as if preparations are being made for another “flank movement.” For the first time in a long while the band played in front of Col. Alcock’s quarters this afternoon.

by John Beauchamp Jones

            JUNE 10TH.—Clear and cool.

            All quiet round the city; but Petersburg was assaulted yesterday and successfully defended.

            The battalion of clerks still remains at Bottom’s Bridge, on the Chickahominy. The pickets hold familiar conversation every day with the pickets of the enemy, the stream being narrow, and crossed by a log. For tobacco and the city papers our boys get sugar, coffee, etc. This intercourse is wrong. Some of the clerks were compelled to volunteer to retain their offices, and may desert, giving important information to the enemy.

            I had snap beans to-day from my garden. I have seen none in market.

London, June 10, 1864

You can with difficulty imagine the anxiety existing in all circles here about the news. When it comes favorable to us, it makes rather long faces among the upper ten thousand, who do not like to believe we may possibly succeed. Conscious that their behavior is now well understood in America, they are still more desirous than ever that our power should be permanently impaired, on the principle that dead men tell no tales. These poor infatuated devils are playing their game, they think, much more surely and with less risk, than they could do it themselves. This game is one, however, which it is never safe for a nation to play, much less one so full of selfishness as England. At the present moment I cannot see a single country which it has succeeded in conciliating. Denmark and Germany, at odds with each other, are about equally indignant with it. France, though apparently in calm, as certainly detests it. No greater evidence of this could be afforded than the manner in which the success of the French horse at a late race at Paris over Blair Athol who had just won at the Derby, was hailed by the mass of the people present. The newspapers all describe it as if they had actually gone distracted for joy. This is a trifle in itself, it is true. But just such trifles always display most strikingly the prevailing passions. If we turn to America the appearance is the same. They have done enough to alienate us without pleasing the rebels. Both parties see equally well that the course adopted has no origin in any feeling of good will to either. It rather springs from a hope of personal benefit growing out of the dissension. A nation which acts on such principles may prosper commercially for a time, but in the long run it takes the chances of adverse events against itself. It was just this which left England alone in the war of our revolution. And so it may be hereafter when Russia and the United States, both remembering the manner they have respectively been treated, happen to have in their hands the power to turn the scales against her. The first of these powers has this year made a great step towards emerging out of the difficulties in which she has been involved. The long struggle in Circassia is over, and the ill-judged Polish insurrection has justified extreme measures which will probably prevent any recurrence of it hereafter. At the same time the serf emancipation is going on quietly but safely to its completion. Here are three causes of national weakness removed at once. The external policy of Russia may henceforward be conducted with increasing firmness, in proportion to the degree of development which her domestic forces reach.

On our side we are yet passing through the painful trial consequent upon the effort to remove a great cause of weakness. How much it may yet cost us, it is quite impossible to calculate. But the time should not pass without effecting the object, even if it be at the expense of the deportation of the whole body of existing slave owners. It may take us fifty years to recover from this effort. That is as a mere moment in comparison with the blessing it will give to our latest posterity to be free from the recurrence of such a calamity from the same cause. . . .