To JOHN FORSYTH,
Mobile Ala.
New York, November 11, 1860
My Dear Sir,—I have followed, with the most intense anxiety, the events which the election of Lincoln has called forth at the South. While I fully appreciate the legitimate grievances of your section of the country, I deprecate sincerely the means which a large portion of your citizens seem-determined to adopt for their redress.
Nobody can regret more than I do the election of Lincoln, and I certainly need not tell you how earnestly I strove to prevent that calamity; but now that we are defeated, I think that it behooves every good Democrat, North and South, to reflect calmly upon what course it will be most wise and patriotic to pursue, in order to guard against the evils with which a Republican administration threatens our country. I take it for granted that a large majority of our Southern brethren are in favor of the Union, provided they can have their rights secured under the Constitution, and their property protected against the inroads of Northern Abolitionism. I hope and trust that the disunionists per se stand alone in their conspiracy against the Union, which they have labored to undermine for the last twenty years. Unfortunately, they have been able to bring a large number of the patriotic men of the South to the belief that Lincoln’s election is a convincing proof of an overwhelming anti-slavery feeling at the North; but this is by no means the case, and it is evident that the unfortunate result of the late election was mainly owing to other causes.
The country at large had become disgusted with the misrule of Mr. Buchanan, and the corruption which disgraced his administration. The Democratic party was made answerable for his misdeeds, and a change was ardently desired by thousands of conservative men out of politics. This feeling was particularly strong in the rural districts, and did us infinite harm there.
Had we made an unanimous nomination at Charleston, we should most probably have overcome our opponents; though, for the reason just named, our struggle must have, in any event, been a severe one. But unfortunate dissensions paralyzed our forces at the very outset. When the delegates of the cotton States, under the leadership of Yancey, seceded at Charleston, breaking up the National Convention, they sealed the doom of the Democratic partv, and elected Mr. Lincoln. Will the people of the South now allow these very men to reap the fruits of their reckless course by aiding and sustaining them in their efforts to shatter the magnificent fabric of our Union, which has blessed until now this vast Republic with never-equalled greatness and prosperity? Is Mr. Yancey’s programme to precipitate the South into a revolution, to be carried out by those patriots who, with you, have thus far so nobly fought against him and his nefarious doctrines ? Is it statesmanlike, is it manly, to withdraw from the contest when it becomes most fierce, and when victory (not of an ephemeral power and patronage, but of lasting guaranties and principles) is within our grasp? Is it generous and kind to leave the brave and loyal men of the North, who have stood by you and your rights, and have led a forlorn hope against the most fearful odds—is it right and just, I say, to forsake them in the hour of need, and doom them to a hopeless minority ?
If the Southern character is prominent for any qualities more than others, it is for unflinching courage and noble generosity. These virtues have taught me to cherish and honor the chivalrous South, and I appeal through you to those sentiments, that our Southern friends may pause before leaving the field to their enemies, and abandoning their faithful allies to the mercy of a ruthless victor.
But while I implore them to pause, I am far from wishing them to retrace their steps. A firm, uncompromising, and united position must secure to them their rights and equality under the Constitution. The conservative mind at the North is anxious and ready to co-operate with them, and the reaction which has already taken place among thousands who voted for Lincoln, promises most conclusively a satisfactory solution of our troubles. Only, do not allow the violent men among you to force the Southern people under the whip of packed conventions, into any hasty and inconsiderate steps. No convention should be formed unless by a direct appeal to the people, and in such a convention every slave holding State should be represented. This, I am sure, would, under the recommendation of Congress and local legislatures, soon be followed by a general convention of all the States of the Union.
The faithful enforcement of the fugitive-slave law, and the equal rights of the States in the Territories, must, and will, be guaranteed to the South,—not by any enactments and compromises of Congress, which might at any time be repealed and tampered with, but by amendments to the Constitution of such a nature as to silence forever the just apprehensions of the South.
Upon the leading national men of the South devolves now the sacred duty of stemming the torrent of terrorism, conjured up by rash politicians. The time for a satisfactory settlement of these vital questions has never been more propitious. We have both houses of Congress on our side, and the conservative spirit of the country is appalled at the contemplation of our portentous future.
Already, now, the more moderate organs of the Republican party give strong evidence of this feeling. I hand you inclosed an extract from the New York Times, of yesterday, recommending measures of compromise and justice to the South. The article receives additional importance from the fact that the editor of the Times is one of the leading lights among the Republicans.
Excuse this lengthy epistle ; but the subject is fraught with such deep interest that volumes would not exhaust it. I hope you will find a few moments of leisure to let me hear from you, and I trust that you may, by God’s blessing, be able to give me cheerful tidings.
