Quincy, Sunday, October 6, 1861
I received your letter of the 7th some ten days ago and not a word from London since; so that as I have seen no signs of trouble in the press, I presume the little flurry you there mention has passed away. In fact I cannot say I share your apprehensions, though I must confess I think the government’s cards, so far as the public sees them, are played badly enough both here and in England. While the agents of the Confederates are abroad working the whole time at public opinion and at the foreign mind, influencing papers and thinkers and undermining us the whole time, our press at home does but furnish them the materials they need and our agents abroad apparently confine their efforts to cabinets and officials and leave public opinion and the press to take care of themselves. This may not be so in fact, but if it is not, all that can be said is that the Southern emissaries are far more efficient than ours. We have money and the command of the sea, so that Europe can know nothing except through us, and yet, from the beginning, so much more active and efficient has the South been, that we have done nothing but lose ground. Why is this? I may be all wrong, but to me our policy in England seems as plain as noon-day, but I see no signs of its operation on the press, though I hope it is working secretly. England is made up of large interests. Some of those are in our favor and some opposed to us; but why are they not played off against each other? This war promises immense results to India, and has already carried up the Indian bonds. That interest is immensely powerful in England and can only reap benefit from the war; but I have not noticed that its organs were particularly friendly to us. The shipping interest derives great benefit from the war, but their organs are opposed to us. Why is this? What are our agents doing? Why is not India played off against Manchester and London against Liverpool? Why do the Southern agents have it all their own way? Why are not a few American papers sufficiently under the control of government to enable some expression of good sense to go abroad? Why is everything so utterly left to take care of itself? Remember I only ask these as questions, for I do not know but what a profound plan and ceaseless activity under-runs it all; but if it does, the State department certainly keeps its own councils much better than the war. So much for these things.
I wait curiously for the next development from abroad and chuckled amazingly over the tight place in which the Governor had got Lord John. Meanwhile, if there is to be trouble, for Heaven’s sake give me a few days’ notice. . . .
Tuesday, 7th
I send the corrected copy of Sumner’s speech herewith. Did you ever see anything like the classical exposure in the Advertiser? How can it be accounted for? What can Sumner mean by perpetrating historical frauds so sure of detection? The speech has been made the subject of most severe criticism and that too from men hitherto Sumner’s friends. Dana tore it to shreds for my edification in a most substantial manner, and Sumner has done himself no credit. For myself I’m glad the speech was made, though I think very differently from most in these matters. The education is going on and the fallacies lie hid. I agree with it, however, neither in theory or results, and if we had a Juvenal, would not the celebrated author of a certain 4th of July peace oration, now become the leading advocate for a savage Servile war, catch particular jess. Sumner is a humbug! There’s no doubt about it. He’s been a useful man in his day, but he’s as much out of place now as knights in armor would be at the head of our regiments.
The convention was managed and its results brought about by Dana, and it was to him a great personal triumph as he had all the old party associations to contend with. You never saw a man chuckle over anything as he did over his doings at Worcester. Sumner, I imagine, is offended with him and will evince it in the usual way. There is, of course, no political contest. The position of the country is now very curious and my strong conviction is that everything is ready and one good victory would start everything. Politics are so dead that a little success would lead to an era of good feeling in the North. Business is, in New England, all ready to rise under the tariff to a state of activity, unusual even in time of peace. Everything that is left is strong and the present feeling of depression is wholly unfounded. I am convinced that one victory would make an almost incredible change, but we shall not see it for a long time without a victory.
