Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Adams Family Civil War letters; US Minister to the UK and his sons.

London, July 1, 1864

At present the great excitement here is about the Danish war. The conference which was to prove the grand panacea of the troubles was very skilfully played off by the Germans, and has ended in putting the Danes in a worse situation than before. England has practically been aiding the game of their enemies, whilst proposing, I doubt not sincerely enough, to desire to sustain them. The question now is whether there is to be any such thing as Denmark left. Whilst this question is pending, the dispute among the English seems to be which ministry, the Whig or the Tory, will be in at the death. Next Monday, the great trial is to begin the Commons. Mr. D’Israeli is to move, that the policy of the ins has lowered the country in the eyes of the world, without pledging himself that the outs, if they should come in, would do anything at all different to raise it. In other words, what ought to have been a great question involving a broad examination of the interests of all Europe, is to be dwarfed into a tussle for the loaves and fishes of office. There will be some good speaking on both sides, but the present expectation is that the Ministry will scrape through by a small majority and Denmark will be left to its fate. Should it so turn out, there will not be likely to be anything more done this year of that sort, and the Ministry will tide over to 1865.

So far as this result affects the interests of America, I do not think anything more could be desired. Although I have little idea that the other party, however much it may sympathise with the rebels, will adopt any substantially different course towards us, if it should come in, there would be a change more or less marked in the personal relations already formed, and with it might follow a little more of friction in the movement on the two sides. I incline to think it best to let well enough alone. For myself I have jogged on with the present set more than three years, and if to that I should be able to add the fourth, perhaps at the end of that period they and I might be quitting together. At the age of Lord Palmerston, it would not surprise me if he should not outlive the Parliament. In that case, the chances would be that Lord Derby would come in without any serious conflict at the elections.

Henry Adams to Charles Francis Adams, Jr.

London, June 24, 1864

And so we have sunk the Alabama. That at least was well done and has I think no drawback to unmixed pleasures. But the spitefulness which the English have shown has revived all my irritability. Semmes sought the fight, knowing all about the Kearsarge and expecting to whip her. He was so cut up as to be compelled to strike his colors, and actually cut the cross out of his flag, and ran it up again as a white flag. He sent a boat to the Kearsarge and surrendered the ship, and then was pulled out of the water, shouting for help; was stowed away at his own entreaty under a tarpaulin, deserting his own men, and running away by violation of every honorable demand through the treachery of a neutral flag kept near him for the purpose. And they’re trying to make a sea-lion of this arrant humbug. I expect the matter to give us more diplomatic bother.

Fortunately for us in these rough times the attention of people here is pretty thoroughly absorbed in their own affairs. The Conference seems at last to have come to an end, and the prospect is very blue. The crisis will come on Monday unless some last resort is dragged into play tomorrow at the formal close of the Conference. The curious part of the whole matter is that every body is equally anxious to avoid war, and both rulers and people are running into every rat-hole to keep out of it. I send you herewith a copy of our newspaper of the season, the “Owl,” so that you may get an idea of the way things are going. The Owl is probably edited by Laurence Oliphant, with assistance from half the young men about town. We consider the wit pretty fair for London and at any rate much better than the letter-press of Punch. Meanwhile it is said that Gladstone will leave the Ministry next week, in which case be will probably be followed by Gibson, Villiers, and perhaps Argyll — our friends. But another account says Russell is to go out. Palmerston and he have been in favor of a strong policy, but were outvoted in the Cabinet, five to four. I should not wonder if there were a complete reconstruction of the Government. No one seems to suggest it, but I see no reason why the Tories, or the moderate half of them, should not come in under Palmerston, and Derby retain a reversionary interest. Will war be the result of a change? C’est ce que je ne crois pas. At all events it busies them, and as I am now satisfied that Russia must mean war, or at least means to obtain its ends at any risk of war, I do not quite see how Europe can long be quiet. There may be many more calms and squalls before that though. . . .

Charles Francis Adams to his son

London, June 24, 1864

General Grant shows one great quality of a commander. He makes himself felt by his enemy as well as by his own troops. This is one of the most important elements of success in warfare. The imagination has a vast power in upholding human force, or in knocking it away. The self reliance of the slaveholding rebel is the secret of the amount of his resistance thus far. He began the war with a full conviction that he was more than a match for half a dozen northern men. And in many instances that conviction acting against a feebler will made him what he thought himself. The progress of the war has done a good deal to correct these impressions. General Grant appears to be setting them right. The moment the rebel becomes convinced he has to do with a will stronger than his own, he will knock under, and not before. I have watched with a great deal of interest the gradual modifications in the tone of the Richmond newspapers since the first of May. Then, it was the most implicit faith in Lee’s power to drive any force of ours, however large, back to Washington. Now, it has got to the suggestion of prayers in their churches for the salvation of their Capital. The only cause of this change of tone is General Grant. If he will go on in the same line for a while longer, there is no telling what may be the state of mind to which he will bring them. Perhaps it might even get to that condition which marked the commander at Vicksburg on or about the early part of last July.

You ask me what has become of my affair. I have already hinted to you the result in a former letter. The party concerned failed from sheer blundering. Instead of abiding by the understanding as distinctly defined before your departure, he rushed into a position decidedly at variance with it, thus compelling a resort to measures on the part of the government which have, for the time at least, put an end to all progress. The party has now returned here without having ever reached his true destination. Events may yet favor the development of his scheme. At present I see no prospect of its turning up.

We are not without stirring events on this side too. The first is the naval conflict between the notorious Alabama and our steamer the Kearsarge. Practically this was a trial of skill between English guns and training, and American. If so, the result tells a singular tale. The Alabama fired more guns and oftener, within very short range. The Kearsarge did less but brought more to pass. Meanwhile our English friends are trying to make a hero of Captain Semmes. The animus of these people is not equivocal. . . .

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to his father

H.Q. Army of Potomac
Before Petersburg, Va., June 19, 1864

My last was from Cold Harbor and since then we have passed the long desired James and, at last, near Richmond from the southern side. That city is in the position Washington would be in, had a rebel Army, having the control of the Chesapeake, pushed its way to Baltimore and established itself on the waters of the bay, while this Army, unbeaten in the field but wholly unable to make any impression offensively upon the enemy, was manœuvring in the vicinity of Washington. Their cavalry also should have complete control of the field outside of the lines of our Army. In such a case I myself would expect soon to hear that Washington was abandoned or captured, that this Army had fallen back to secure its base and cover the North and the new line of our unconquered army was on the Susquehannah. Will this be the case with Richmond? I am not prepared to say and cannot feel sure. I have unbounded confidence in Grant, but he puzzles me as much as he appears to the rebels. He fights when we expect him to march, waits when we look for motion, and moves when we expect him to fight. Grant will take Richmond, if only he is left alone; of that I feel more and more sure. His tenacity and his strength, combined with his skill, must, on every general principle, prove too much for them in the end. Yet I often feel discouraged and never feel as if I saw my own way.

My last was from Cold Harbor and ten days ago. A week ago last Sunday we moved out of our dusty, dirty, foul smelling camp and off in a south easterly direction. It was clear we were making for the James. Grant and Meade went only about seven miles, halting for the night at the spot where we found General Warren’s Head Quarters. I don’t know that Generals in Chief ever experience campaign discomforts, but on this night I certainly did in their train experience, not the discomfort of the line — of that, they and theirs know nothing — but very moderate discomfort for all that. We encamped in an orchard, and a very dirty and dusty one and there, as our train did n’t come up, we passed a supperless night under a brilliant moon.

The next day at six o’clock we started and moved down to the banks of the Chickahominy where again we halted while the trains and the 2d and 5th Corps crossed the pontoons. Grant, Meade and Hancock were there and for several hours we killed time industriously. At last my name was called and I was ordered to report to General Hancock and was by him ordered to move forward, in advance of his Corps, on the road to Charles City Court House. For the rest of the march, which brought us to the James, the squadron accordingly kept in advance of the 2d. Corps. Immediately in our rear Grant kept bulging along and then came Barlow’s Division of the al Corps. As there was no enemy in our front and additions to our Cavalry advance speedily relieved me from command, I left the squadron with Flint and, seeing Barlow’s flag at a house near the road, went over and joined him for the rest of the march. In company with that rising General of Division I lunched and rode, and presently we made for another house, and seeking out an attractive cherry tree, ascended it and chatting over old times and old friends, eat our fill of that delicious fruit, while we watched in the distance the tired and dusty column toiling along.

Presently we resumed our march and gradually Barlow, an old Peninsular man, began to recognize houses and fields as familiar to him in McClellan’s campaign, and then a sharp gallop through a deep field of clover, which swept our stirrup leathers, and we halted before an old Virginia plantation house behind which flowed the James. Rivers always burst on one at once, be they great or little, and so did the James now. The old Peninsular men knew what to expect, but I, certainly, had no expectation of seeing so noble a river. Some two miles broad at the point where we struck it, and with green swelling banks, it flowed quietly and majestically along, giving to me at least, one heated, dusty and anxious soldier, a sense of freshness, repose and eternity, such a feeling as I should have expected from the sea, but hardly from the James. There it flowed! We had fought the Indian, the Englishman and the Virginian upon its banks; only two years before it had been the resting place and the highway of this very Army; long before we fought on its banks or troubled its waters it flowed on as it did today; and long after we have fought and toiled our way out of this coil and our battles and sufferings have become a part of history, it will flow on as broad, as quiet and as majestic as when the vanguard of the Army of the Potomac hailed it with almost as much pleasure as Xenophon’s Greeks hailed the sight of the sea.

We dismounted and cooled ourselves on the porch of the house overlooking the river, while the signal officers had already put themselves in communication with Fort Powhatan, plainly in sight some few miles below. Presently Barlow went off to find a camp and I rode off to the squadron. I was not at all too early. They were just moving up the road, having been ordered to report to Colonel Jones of the 3d Pennsylvania for some unknown duty. Jones, I regret to say, is the unfortunate old woman who got us into our scrape at Parker’s Store last autumn, and I have little confidence in him. The duty turned out to be picket, so, very cross, the squadron being reduced to some thirty men, I sent Flint in to form a camp and to take charge of the rest, while I went out in command. Presently the duty was developed — picket, as I supposed. I got my instructions and, just as the sun was getting very low, passed through McClellan’s old defences and found myself within the position of Harrison’s Landing. My instructions were to cover a certain road and to send a party down it towards Richmond, as far as I could before dark. Wilson’s Division of Cavalry was supposed to be somewhere on that side and, if I could find out where he was, we were to be relieved. I gave Baldwin my instructions. (He is my 2d Lieutenant, formerly a bugler and recently promoted. He is about twenty years old and has a fondness for enterprises in face of the enemy.) I told him to take what men he wanted and go up the Malvern Hill road and not come back until he reached Malvern Hill, unless he first struck the enemy or Wilson’s Cavalry. He took ten men and just as the sun was setting the clatter of his horses’ hoofs died away in a cloud of dust on the Richmond road. I stationed some posts and wrung something to eat out of inhabitants. Then, resorting again to my almost forgotten picket precautions, waited for the return of my scouts. I allowed them two hours, for I heard it was six miles to Malvern Hill; but when four were gone and they had not returned my confidence in Baldwin’s courage, coolness and shrewdness — more than all in his luck —began to stand me in good stead; for without it I should have been anxious. At eleven I did begin to feel troubled and rode down to the videttes. Just as I approached them I met him coming in and much disgusted. He had been ten miles and close to Malvern Hill, got fired into three times and could n’t persuade himself that he had fallen in with the rebels. He thought they were Wilson’s men. It did n’t require much to persuade me, and I believed more than ever in luck when I heard his story. He had staved ahead ten miles driving in the enemy’s scouts and finally rode right into their picket line. When they fired on him he got it into his head they were Wilson’s men and were firing by mistake, and so he persisted in hanging round and approaching them three times, but the third time they woke up and the bullets came so very close and fast that he unwillingly ‘concluded he had better go home. He and his men being tired, I sent them into camp and for myself passed a quiet night on picket. The next morning I rode all over McClellan’s old camp of Harrison’s Landing. The war has left deep scars around here and nature has not yet effaced them. The fields were heavy with clover, but full of the graves of Northern soldiers and the debris of the old camps; the houses around were ruined and the inhabitants gone; the fences were down and a spirit, of solitary desolation reigned over all the region. On the James the steamers were running rapidly up and down the river and they afforded almost the only signs of life.

At noon I was relieved and towards evening got into camp. The next day we moved early and down the James, but did not cross, Head Quarters remaining on this side of the river and I going into a shady little camp some distance off, where we had a very pleasant time, getting many good things to eat and drink, catching horses, entertaining guests, bathing generally and, in fact, having a sort of picnic. The next day, the 16th, we crossed the James and found ourselves at last on the much desired south side. Meade and Grant were gone ahead. We pressed on towards Petersburg and found the march long, but dirty and disagreeable. The woods were on fire and the air full of dust and smoke, while the straggling of Burnside’s Corps was the worst I ever saw. Towards evening the spires of Petersburg rose before us and we looked at them over the tremendous earthworks which Smith had captured the night before. Here too I first saw colored troops and they were in high spirits; for the evening before in the assault they had greatly distinguished themselves and the most skeptical on that score were forced to admit that on that occasion the darkies had fought and fought fiercely. When we got into camp, as a brisk action was going on in front, Flint and I rode out to see what was going on. The captured works are superb, both in construction and position. That they should have been properly manned is out of the question, for even decently defended the whole of Grant’s army could not have captured them. All admit, however, that the darkies fought ferociously, and, as usual, the cruelty of Fort Pillow is reacting on the rebels, for now they dread the darkies more than the white troops; for they know that if they will fight the rebels cannot expect quarter. Of course, our black troops are not subject to any of the rules of civilized warfare. If they murder prisoners, as I hear they did, it is to be lamented and stopped, but they can hardly be blamed.

Since that night we have been lying here before Petersburg, just where we then were. We have assaulted the enemy’s works repeatedly and lost many lives, but I cannot understand it. Why have these lives been sacrificed? Why is the Army kept continually fighting until its heart has sickened within it? I cannot tell. Doubtless Grant has his reasons and we must have faith; but, certainly, I have never seen the Army so haggard and worn, so worked out and fought out, so dispirited and hopeless, as now when the fall of Richmond is most likely. Grant has pushed his Army to the extreme limit of human endurance. It cannot and it will not bear much more, and yet for days past it has been rammed, not in masses and with a will and as if to win, but in squads and detachments and as if to provoke attack and defeat. In this Grant doubtless has his plan, but the Army cannot see it and it now cries aloud not to be uselessly slaughtered. I hope that tactics will change soon, for we cannot long stand this.

Thursday. An interruption, followed yesterday by a move of the Head Quarters, has caused a break in my letter. Grant apparently thought that as he could n’t capture Petersburg he would just cut off the communications of both places at once by putting himself south of Petersburg — just as good as south of Richmond to him, and a good deal worse to the enemy. Unfortunately, as a man generally wakes up to a sense of danger when he feels a deadly enemy fingering his throat, Lee was this time on hand and before we got far on our road we met Mr. A. P. Hill and others prepared to object to our further progress. So here we are again, as it would appear, come to a deadlock. Whatever ultimate results may be present experiences are sufficiently unpleasant. The heat and dust are intense and the streams and springs are fast drying up. We cannot even get decent water for our horses. As for me and mine, we campaign in great comfort and with little danger; but the sufferings and loss in the line are something which I cannot think of without trembling. Our consolation must be the essentially Christian one, that the enemy is probably even worse off. Meanwhile it requires some effort to keep up one’s hopes and courage. On every general principle I cannot doubt of the ultimate success of a man who takes hold of his work with the skill and persistency of Grant, when backed by such resources; but the enemy confound me by the doggedness of their defence. Hitherto they have not, to my mind, evinced extraordinary skill or enterprise. They are now in a position in which only the most extraordinary military ability can save them and we shall soon see if they will develop that. . . .

Charles Francis Adams to his son

London, June 17,[1] 1864

As I write the date, my mind very naturally recurs to the time when, as a people, we were first subjected to the baptism of blood, under the necessity of maintaining a great idea. The sufferings of that period, terrible as they proved, were amply compensated for by the blessings enjoyed by the generation succeeding. One slight precaution only was neglected, or its importance undervalued. The consequences we now see and feel in the events that are passing in front of Richmond. As I read the sad accounts of the losses experienced by both sides in the strife, the warning words of Jefferson will ring in my ears: “I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just.” The moral evil which we consented to tolerate for a season has become a terrific scourge, that brings the life blood at every instant of its application. How long this chastisement is to be continued, it is idle to attempt to predict. Only one thing is clear to me, and that is the paramount duty to future generations of not neglecting again to remove the source of that evil. It is this that completes the great idea for which the first struggle was endured. It is this, and this only, that will compensate for the calamities that attend the second. There is not an event that takes place in the slave-holding states that does not confirm me in the conviction that the social system they have fostered has become a standing menace to the peace of America. The very ferocity and endurance with which they fight for their bad principle only contribute to prove the necessity of extirpating it in its very root. This is not simply for the good of America but likewise for that of the civilised world. The sympathy directed in Europe with this rotten cause among the aristocratic and privileged classes, is a sufficient proof of the support which wrongful power hopes to obtain from its success. For these reasons, painful as is the alternative, I am reconciled to the continuance of the fearful horror of the strife. Looking back on the progress made since we began, it is plain to my mind that the issue, if persevered in, can terminate only in one way. There is not a moment in which the mere force of gravitation does not incline one scale of the balance more and more at the expense of the other. In resistance to this neither labor nor skill will in the long run avail. The laws of nature are uniform. The question with the South is only of more or less of annihilation by delay. Yet I cannot conceal from myself the nature of the penalty which all of us are equally to pay for our offense before God. If the great trial have the effect of purifying and exalting us in futurity, we as a nation may yet be saved. The labor of extricating us from our perils will devolve upon the young men of the next generation who shall have passed in safety through this fiery furnace. I am now too far advanced to be able to hope to see the day of restoration, if it shall come. But it may be reserved for some of my children — indeed, for you if it please God, you survive the dangers of the hour. Great will be the responsibility that devolves upon you! May you acquit yourselves of it with honor and success! The great anniversary has inspired me to write you in this strain. I feel that even at this moment events may be happening in America which will make the memory of it still more dear to the sons of human liberty and free institutions all over the world. I accept the omen. May it be verified.

In this old world to which I now turn there is less to stimulate the imagination or to rouse the hopes of the observer. The contention here is now not so much for principle as place. The Conservative-liberal wishes to obtain the office held by the Liberal-conservative. The juggle of names only signifies that neither is in earnest. The day is one of truce between ideas. “Jeshurun has waxed fat.” And the octogenarian leader who represents him, like old Maurepas in ante-revolutionary France, thinks to settle every difference with a joke. Such men thrive in periods of transition. But the time is coming when all these frivolities will pass away, and the great national problem of privilege only to the select few will come up and demand a stern solution.


[1] Underlined — the date of the battle of Bunker Hill.

London, June 10, 1864

You can with difficulty imagine the anxiety existing in all circles here about the news. When it comes favorable to us, it makes rather long faces among the upper ten thousand, who do not like to believe we may possibly succeed. Conscious that their behavior is now well understood in America, they are still more desirous than ever that our power should be permanently impaired, on the principle that dead men tell no tales. These poor infatuated devils are playing their game, they think, much more surely and with less risk, than they could do it themselves. This game is one, however, which it is never safe for a nation to play, much less one so full of selfishness as England. At the present moment I cannot see a single country which it has succeeded in conciliating. Denmark and Germany, at odds with each other, are about equally indignant with it. France, though apparently in calm, as certainly detests it. No greater evidence of this could be afforded than the manner in which the success of the French horse at a late race at Paris over Blair Athol who had just won at the Derby, was hailed by the mass of the people present. The newspapers all describe it as if they had actually gone distracted for joy. This is a trifle in itself, it is true. But just such trifles always display most strikingly the prevailing passions. If we turn to America the appearance is the same. They have done enough to alienate us without pleasing the rebels. Both parties see equally well that the course adopted has no origin in any feeling of good will to either. It rather springs from a hope of personal benefit growing out of the dissension. A nation which acts on such principles may prosper commercially for a time, but in the long run it takes the chances of adverse events against itself. It was just this which left England alone in the war of our revolution. And so it may be hereafter when Russia and the United States, both remembering the manner they have respectively been treated, happen to have in their hands the power to turn the scales against her. The first of these powers has this year made a great step towards emerging out of the difficulties in which she has been involved. The long struggle in Circassia is over, and the ill-judged Polish insurrection has justified extreme measures which will probably prevent any recurrence of it hereafter. At the same time the serf emancipation is going on quietly but safely to its completion. Here are three causes of national weakness removed at once. The external policy of Russia may henceforward be conducted with increasing firmness, in proportion to the degree of development which her domestic forces reach.

On our side we are yet passing through the painful trial consequent upon the effort to remove a great cause of weakness. How much it may yet cost us, it is quite impossible to calculate. But the time should not pass without effecting the object, even if it be at the expense of the deportation of the whole body of existing slave owners. It may take us fifty years to recover from this effort. That is as a mere moment in comparison with the blessing it will give to our latest posterity to be free from the recurrence of such a calamity from the same cause. . . .

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to his father

H.Q. Army of Potomac
Cold Harbor, Va., June 4, 1864

Since my last of a week ago I have heard nothing and received nothing from you. Your letters evidently go astray, but where to does not yet appear. Mine was written from near Hanover Town; since then Head Quarters have twice moved, and we now find ourselves the same distance from Richmond, but more to the left and near the scene of McClellan’s disaster at Gaines’s Mills. We are again edging along a system of earthworks to the left, the two armies moving by the flank in parallel lines of battle. This whole country round here presents a most extraordinary spectacle in the matter of entrenchments. You doubtless hear a great deal about rifle pits. These scar the whole country all along the road of these two armies. You see them confronting each other in long lines on every defensible position and you never seem to get through them. A rifle pit, in fact, is in the perfection to which they are now carried in these armies, nothing more nor less than most formidable fortifications, alive with infantry and bristling with artillery. The instant our infantry, for instance, get into position, they go to work with axes and spades and in a very short time there springs up in front of them a wooden barricade, made out of fence rails, felled trees or any material in reach of men who know what danger is and feel it near them; and in rear and front of this a trench is dug, the dirt from the rear being thrown over to the front, so as to bank it up and make it impenetrable to musketry and, except at the top, to artillery. This cover is anywhere from four to six feet high, is often very neatly made, and is regularly bastioned out, as it were, for artillery. As fast as a position is won, it is fortified in this way. For defence the same thing is done. The other day I rode down to the front and passed four lines of these entrenchments, all deserted and useless, before I came to the fifth, where the line of battle then was, which had just been taken from the enemy, and which they were already confronting by a new one. In this country, however, even these pits in the hands of an enemy are rarely seen. This is, as a country, the meanest of the mean — sandy and full of pine barrens, exhausted by man and not attractive by nature, it is sparsely peopled, broken, badly watered, heavily wooded with wretched timber, and wholly uninteresting. In it you can see no enemy, for he is covered by a continual forest. He may be in front in any force, or in almost any kind of works or position, but you cannot see him. There is and can be almost no open fighting here, the party acting on the defensive having always the enormous advantage of cover, which he is not likely to forego.

We crossed the Pamunkey a week ago today and the Army has since been living and fighting in this wretched region. The weather has been very hot and dry, and the dust has accordingly been intense. The men have suffered much in marching and the incessant fatigue and anxiety of the campaign, combined with the unhealthy food, must soon begin to tell on the health of the Army. Meanwhile the fighting has been incessant, the question simply being one of severity. Yesterday we made a general attack and suffered a severe repulse. Today little seems to be going on. The Army all this time seems to be improving in morale. I do not see at any rate so much straggling as I did at Spottsylvania. To be sure the stock of the country seems to suffer badly, and I see more dead pelts than I do live sheep, more feathers by the roads than fowls in the yards; but I no longer see the throngs of stragglers which then used to frighten me. The country however is terribly devastated. This Army is, I presume, no worse than others, but it certainly leaves no friends behind it. I fear that the inhabitants are stripped of everything except that which can neither be stolen or destroyed. This is the work of the stragglers, the shirks and the cowards, the bullies and ruffians of the Army.

As I now move with Head Quarters all my marching is very different from any I ever did before. Grant and Meade usually ride together, and as they ride too fast for me, I send a party to keep along with them and then come up at my leisure. So they push ahead surrounded by a swarm of orderlies and in a cloud of dust, pushing through columns and trains, and I follow as fast as I can. In this way I am forced to see all there is to see of this Army, laboring by long trains of wagons and artillery and interminable columns of infantry, now winding along through the woods by the roadside and now taking to the fields; waiting half an hour for a sufficient break in a column to enable one to cross the road, and at all times wondering over the perfect flood of humanity which flows by me by the hour in the form of a great Army. It is very wearing and tiresome, this always moving in a procession. One gets hot and peevish. Human patience cannot endure such wear and tear. One is greatly impressed at these times with the “pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war.” There is abundance of material to be seen, men and muskets, horses and artillery; but for “pride and pomp,” that is lacking enough! The men look dirty and tired; they toil along in loose, swaying columns and are chiefly remarkable for a most wonderful collection of old felt hats in every stage of dilapidation. Their clothes are torn, dusty and shabby; few carry knapsacks and most confine their luggage to a shelter-tent and blanket which is tied in a coil over one shoulder. There is in the sight of such a column marching much that is picturesque and striking; but such features do not at first appear and never in the shape in which one imagines them.

Grant and Meade usually start about seven o’clock and get into camp at about two. They stop at houses on the road and wait for reports or to consult. I pass much of my time noticing Grant during these halts. For the last few days he has evidently been thinking very hard. I never noticed this before. Formerly he always had a disengaged expression in his face; lately he has had an intent, abstracted look, and as he and Meade sit round on our march I see Grant stroking his beard, puffing at his cigar and whittling at small sticks, but with so abstracted an air that I see well that they are with him merely aids to reflection. In fact as he gets down near Richmond and approaches the solution of his problem, he has need to keep up a devil of a thinking. Yesterday he attacked the enemy and was decidedly repulsed. He always is repulsed when he attacks their works, and so are they when they attack his. The course of the campaign seems to me to have settled pretty decisively that neither of these two armies can, in the field, the one acting defensively and the other offensively, gain any great advantage. Fighting being equal, it becomes therefore a question of generalship. To capture Richmond Grant must do with Lee what he did with Pemberton, he must out-general him and force him to fight him on his own ground. This all of us uninformed think he could accomplish by crossing the James and taking Richmond in the rear, and accordingly we are most eager that that should be done. Grant seems to hesitate to do this and to desire to approach by this side. His reasons of course we do not know, but they yesterday cost this army six thousand men. Feeling that we cannot beat the rebels by hard, point-blank pounding before Richmond, we are most anxious to find ourselves in some position in which they must come out and pound us or give way. The south bank of the James seems to hold out to us hopes of supplies, rest and success, and we are anxiously watching for movements pointing in that direction. While Butler holds Bermuda Hundreds I shall hope that he goes so to keep there a foothold for us, and shall continue to hope for another flank move to the left every day. When it comes I shall look for the crisis of the campaign.

Meanwhile I see nothing to shake my faith in Grant’s ultimate capture of Richmond, and even this delay and yesterday’s false step seem rather like some of the man’s proceedings in the Southwest, when he went on the apparent principle of trying everything, but leaving nothing untried. At present there is one thing to be said of this campaign and its probable future. In it the rebellion will feel the entire strength of the Government exerted to the utmost. If Grant takes Richmond, even without a battle, I think Lee’s army will be essentially destroyed; for they will lose their prestige. The defense of Richmond keeps them alive. They will never again fight as they now do, when once that is lost. Thus to me the campaign seems now to be narrowed down to a question of the capture of Richmond and that to a question of generalship. As to endurance and fighting qualities, the two armies are about equal, all things being considered, and the enemy’s lack of numbers is compensated for by the fact of their acting on the defensive. . . .

Henry Adams to Charles Francis Adams, Jr.

London, June 3, 1864

Our position here has not been nearly so much affected by all that has taken place [in America], as it was last year or the year before. One cause of this is the fact that our whole question is now old and familiar to every one, so as to have become actually a bore and a nuisance. The enthusiasm for the slaveholders has passed away like that for the Poles and other such people, enthusiasm being a sentiment which is a precious poor lot to last. Whether it will return or not I can’t say. Perhaps it would if the rebs were to capture Washington, Philadelphia and New York. Meanwhile the rebel cause is rather low in estimation just now.

Another reason for our comparative ease this year is the continued troubles in Europe. England has consented to betray Denmark, and Denmark. having found it out, has declared its intention not to be betrayed. It will go under, if necessary; but no influence shall induce it to seal its own condemnation and declare itself to have been in the wrong. This was the result reached yesterday by the Conference, and although I do not doubt that Denmark is right in her protest, I doubt just as little that England will throw the Danes over, remorselessly, and add insult, as the Times does this morning, to the most flagrant treason.

Still England has a conscience or a part of one, which is uneasy. It is not strong enough to beat loud and firm, but it dodges about and excuses itself and frets. So that it gives us a happy respite from attention. . . .

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., to his father

H.Q. Army of Potomac
Hanover Town, Va., April [May] 29, 1864

The campaign to us here gradually unfolds itself. Grant and Meade discuss and decide, but keep their own counsel, and no one knows whether tomorrow the Army is to fight, to march, or to rest. Meanwhile marching now seems to be the order of the day, and since day before yesterday Head Quarters have moved thirty odd miles, turning all the exterior lines of Richmond and bringing us down to the interior line of the Chickahominy. Here we rest for today. Up to this time General Grant seems to have looked on this campaign in Virginia as one necessarily to be made up of the hardest kind of fighting, combined with all the generalship which he could command, and, as we were numerically the strongest, we might as well do the fighting first as last, pounding and manœuvring at the same time. If this was his idea, I think the wisdom of it is becoming apparent. I cannot believe that his operations have been or now are conducted on any fixed plan. He seems to have one end in view — the capture of Richmond and the destruction of Lee’s army; but I imagine his means to that end undergo daily changes and no man in this Army, but Meade perhaps, is even able to give grounds for a guess as to whether we are to approach Richmond from this side or from the other. Meanwhile, though Grant expected hard fighting, I have no idea that he expected anything like the fighting and the slaughter which took place in the Wilderness and at Spottsylvania. He had never seen anything like it in the West, and the fierce, stubborn resistance we met far surpassed his expectation. Meade knew better what he had to expect and in fighting for him those battles were, I imagine, of incalculable assistance to Grant. Today, as near as I can see, results stand as follows: these two great armies have pounded each other nearly to pieces for many days; neither has achieved any real success over the other on the field of battle. Our loss has probably been greater than theirs, for ours has been the offensive; but we have a decided balance of prisoners and captured artillery in our favor. The enemy, I think, outfight us, but we outnumber them, and, finally, within the last three days one witnesses in this Army as it moves along all the results of a victory, when in fact it has done only barren fighting. For it has done the one thing needful before the enemy — it has advanced. The result is wonderful. Hammered and pounded as this Army has been; worked, marched, fought and reduced as it is, it is in better spirits and better fighting trim today than it was in the first day’s fight in the Wilderness. Strange as it seems to me, it is, I believe, yet the fact, that this Army is now just on its second wind, and is more formidable than it ever was before. This I see on every march and I attribute it to movement in advance after heavy, though barren, fighting.

With the enemy it is otherwise. Heavier fighting, harder marching, and greater privations — for with them deficiency in numbers was only to be made good by redoubled activity — two men with them have done the work of three with us — all these have led only to movements to the rear, to the abandonment of line after line until now they find themselves with their backs against Richmond, Naturally this discourages troops, particularly coming after as hard fighting as they know how to do, and as a result we now get, as I am informed, from all sources but one story, and that of discouragement and exhaustion. The enemy is getting off his fight. What is to come next? Will Lee try to revive the spirits of his men and the fortunes of his Army by taking the offensive? Will he try to repeat the story of the Chickahominy and the six days’ fighting? What does Grant mean next to do? I have always noticed that when I try to divine the future of military operations I am invariably wrong, and so I long ago gave up trying. Of a few things though I feel pretty sure. Stonewall Jackson is dead, Grant is not McClellan, nor is Meade McDowell. Grant will not let his Army be idle, nor will he allow the initiative to be easily taken out of his hands, and if he can outfight Meade, he will do more than he was ever able to do yet when his troops were more numerous, in better heart and much fresher than they now are. Accordingly we find ourselves approaching the climax of the campaign, under circumstances which certainly seem to me hopeful. The next few days will probably develop Grant’s final move, the line on which he means to approach Richmond and the point at which he means, unless Lee out-generals him, to have the final fight. I don’t believe he will allow time to slip away or Lee to repair damages. I do believe that while the Army is resting today, it is drawing breath for the great struggle and on the eve of great movements and decisive results.

Things meanwhile work in the Army charmingly. Grant is certainly a very extraordinary man. He does not look it and might pass well enough for a dumpy and slouchy little subaltern, very fond of smoking. Neither do I know that he shews it in his conversation, for he never spoke to me and does n’t seem to be a very talkative man anyhow. They say his mouth shows character. It may, but it is so covered with beard that no one can vouch for it. The truth is, he is in appearance a very ordinary looking man, one who would attract attention neither in the one way or the other. Not knowing who it is, you would not pronounce him insignificant, and knowing who it is, it would require some study to find in his appearance material for hero worship, though there is about his face no indication of weakness or lack of force. He has not nearly so strong a head and face as Humphreys’, for instance, who at once strikes you as a man of force. In figure Grant is comical. He sits a horse well, but in walking he leans forward and toddles. Such being his-appearance, however, I do not think that any intelligent person could watch him, even from such a distance as mine, without concluding that he is a remarkable man. He handles those around him so quietly and well, he so evidently has the faculty of disposing of work and managing men, he is cool and quiet, almost stolid and as if stupid, in danger, and in a crisis he is one against whom all around, whether few in number or a great army as here, would instinctively lean. He is a man of the most exquisite judgment and tact. _See how he has handled this Army. He took command under the most unfavorable circumstances —jealousy between East and West; the Army of the Potomac and the Army of the Southwest; that general feeling that the officers from the West were going to swagger over those here and finally that universal envy which success creates and which is always ready to carp at it. The moment I came to Head Quarters I saw that, though nothing was said, yet the materials were all ready for an explosion at the first mistake Grant made. All this has passed away and now Grant has this army as firmly as ever he had that of the Southwest. He has effected this simply by the exercise of tact and good taste. He has humored us, he has given some promotions, he has made no parade of his authority, he has given no orders except through Meade, and Meade he treats with the utmost confidence and deference. The result is that even from the most jealously disposed and most indiscreet of Meade’s staff, not a word is heard against Grant. The result is of inestimable importance. The army has a head and confidence in that head. It has leaders and there is no discord among those leaders. We seem to have gotten rid of jealousy and all now seem disposed to go in with a will to win.

At last we have gotten out of the Wilderness. That interminable outline of pines of all sizes which it seemed never would end has given way to a clearer and more cultivated country, and now we come across the old Virginia plantation houses and can now and then see a regular clearing. The Wilderness was a most fearfully discouraging place — an enemy always in front, against whom the fiercest attack we could make made no impression; incessant fighting day after day; no progress forward, and the hospitals cleared out only to be filled again, while the country was becoming peopled with graves. There the Army got very much discouraged and took blue views of life. The straggling became terrible and you saw men the whole time and officers sometimes living in the woods or wandering round the country. At that time I take it Lee had accomplished his object and the Army of the Potomac was crippled. It could not effectively have advanced. At that time, however, it experienced the great advantage of Grant’s presence and power, for he at once re-enforced it by every available man round Washington, thus at once restoring its efficiency, while but for his power and name the Administration would, as heretofore, doubtless have defended Washington at the cost of all the fruits of this Army’s fighting. Thus Lee found himself again opposed by a fresh army and every new man who came up from the rear served to revive the spirits of those who had been here before. Now the Army is in capital condition and I feel once more sanguine; but the telegraphs of the steamer which brings this will tell the whole story.

Meanwhile I hear not a word of your negotiation. What has become of it? Is it not too late now? or is it supposed that disaster or success will bring the rebels to your terms? I do not even hear that that negotiation has as yet crept into the papers. But after all, it is of less consequence now, for formerly it might have stopped bloodshed, but now it can hardly be in time to do more than pave the way for conciliation. Since this month came in this war seems to have gone so far that now, in this last effort, either we must crush them or leave them so weak that little enough more blood will be left to shed. Pray keep me informed about this, and also do send me books and reading matter. Here at Head Quarters I have time and even Shakespeare is getting read out. . . .

Henry Adams to Charles Francis Adams, Jr.

London, May 20, 1864

European politics that were so threatening three weeks ago, are now quiet again with a pretty strong tendency towards peace. England has backed down from every position she has taken, and this being the case, there seems to be no more reason for a fight. The Danish question is likely to be settled at the cost of Denmark, which is satisfactory to all parties except the Danes, and it was the very object of the war to squench these. I see no reason now for supposing that there will be any further trouble in Europe this year. Meanwhile, our iron-clad rams at Liverpool have been offered by their owners to the British Government, and M. Bravay was even so generous as to lower his original price, that the Government might take them. Accordingly the Government has taken them and they are now a part of Her Majesty’s Navy. Sic pereant! I wish things were in as prosperous a way on your side as they are here. . . .