Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes

January 4, 1861.—South Carolina has passed a secession ordinance, and Federal laws are set at naught in the State. Overt acts enough have been committed. Forts and arsenal taken, a revenue cutter seized, and Major Anderson besieged in Fort Sumter. Other cotton States are about to follow. Disunion and civil war are at hand; and yet I fear disunion and war less than compromise. We can recover from them. The free States alone, if we must go on alone, will make a glorious nation. Twenty millions in the temperate zone, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, full of vigor, industry, inventive genius, educated, and moral; increasing by immigration rapidly, and, above all, free—all free—will form a confederacy of twenty States scarcely inferior in real power to the unfortunate Union of thirty-three States which we had on the first of November. I do not even feel gloomy when I look forward. The reality is less frightful than the apprehension which we have all had these many years. Let us be temperate, calm, and just, but firm and resolute. Crittenden’s compromise!¹

Windham speaking of the rumor that Bonaparte was about to invade England said: “The danger of invasion is by no means equal to that of peace. A man may escape a pistol however near his head, but not a dose of poison.”

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¹Hayes’s disapproval of the Crittenden Compromise is indicated by the exclamation point. The venerable John J. Crittenden, Senator from Kentucky, sought by eloquent appeals to induce Congress to submit to the States for approval an amendment to the Constitution forbidding Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia so long as it existed in Virginia or Maryland, or to abolish it in national territory south of latitude 360 30’—the southern line of Kansas. This was to be irrepealable by any subsequent amendment, as were also certain existing paragraphs in the Constitution relating to slavery. Further, Mr. Crittenden wished Congress to strengthen the Fugitive Slave Law and to appeal to the States and to the people for its thorough enforcement.

November 6, 1860.—Election day. Had a birthday feast in honor of Birch’s 7th birthday (Sunday 4th) today. Aunty and Uncle Warren both present. Boys delighted with their presents.

The Southern States are uneasy at the prospect of Lincoln’s election today. The ultra South threatens disunion, and it now looks as if South Carolina and possibly two or three others would go out of the Union. Will they? And if so, what is to be the result? Will other slave States gradually be drawn after them, or will the influence of the conservative States draw back into the Union or hold in the Union the ultra States? I think the latter. But at all events, I feel as if the time had come to test this question. If the threats are meant, then it is time the Union was dissolved or the traitors crushed out. I hope Lincoln goes in. All now depends on New York. The October elections settled Pennsylvania and the other doubtful States.

CINCINNATI, September 30, 1860.

DEAR UNCLE:—. . . . I have made a few little speeches in the country townships, and shall make a few more. I cannot get up much interest in the contest. A wholesome contempt for Douglas, on account of his recent demagoguery, is the chief feeling I have. I am not so confident that Lincoln will get votes enough as many of our friends. I think his chances are fair, but what may be the effect of fusions in such anti-Republican States as New Jersey and Pennsylvania, is more than I can tell or confidently guess until after the state elections. In this county, the fight is doubtful, but probably against us.

We saw the Prince yesterday as he passed our house. A modest, decently behaved youngster. His visit has been without unpleasant incidents. — Love to all.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

June 24, 1860.— Yesterday the Democrats put in nomination two tickets at Baltimore. Douglas and Fitzpatrick were nominated by the Northern wing and Breckinridge and Lane by the Southern. Lincoln and Hamlin, nominated by the Republican party, and Bell and Everett, candidates of the “Union” party, have been in the field several weeks. Four tickets for national offices. This is new in my day. My Republican friends are confident that Lincoln and Hamlin will be elected by the people. I have a good deal of apprehension on the subject. I fear the election will go to the House. Let me cipher. There are three hundred and three electoral votes; one hundred and fifty-two are required for a choice. We may count for Lincoln the States carried by Fremont in 1856— eleven States, one hundred and fourteen electoral votes. Add Minnesota four, one hundred and eighteen certain. Pennsylvania, probably, twenty-seven, Oregon, probably, three — one hundred and forty-eight. Four more votes are necessary to elect him. If California, New Jersey, Illinois, or Indiana should go for Lincoln, the vote of either State added to one hundred and forty-eight would elect. But all the following States should, perhaps, be counted doubtful. I will append my view of the chances.

New Jersey (7), Pennsylvania (27), Oregon (4?), Illinois (II), doubtful, but probably for Lincoln. Their vote added to that of the Fremont States would give Lincoln a total of 167 votes.

Indiana (13), California (4), Missouri (9), Delaware (3), doubtful, but probably for Douglas — 29 votes.

Certain for Bell, Kentucky (12), Tennessee (13), Louisiana (6), Maryland (8). Doubtful, but probably for Bell, Virginia (15), North Carolina ( 10). A total of 64 votes.

Certain for Breckinridge, Alabama (9), Arkansas (4), Florida (3), Georgia (10), Mississippi (7), South Carolina (8), Texas (4). A total of 45 votes.

Lincoln’s chance in New Jersey depends on having a small defection in favor of Bell, and an equal or larger defection from Douglas. The same in other States. That is, Douglas will carry almost the whole Democratic vote in all the Northwestern States I think certain. I estimate the defection from him to Breckinridge as follows: In Ohio, Illinois, New Jersey, and Connecticut, three to five thousand each; in Indiana, five to eight thousand; in Pennsylvania, twenty to thirty thousand; in New York, thirty to forty thousand.

On the whole I think Lincoln’s chance the best, but not a moral certainty; that Bell or Breckinridge will be next. All this is on the supposition that Breckinridge will remain a candidate. His withdrawal would change the programme toto cœlo.

June —, 1860. —A spring of storms; wind prodigious, rains unprecedented. May 21, a wind swept over Ohio and Kentucky, about one hundred miles wide by three hundred long, at the rate of eighty to one hundred miles an hour, unroofing houses in Louisville, Lexington, Cincinnati, Xenia, Chillicothe, Portsmouth, Marietta. Probably twenty lives lost in the towns named. Since, storms in several places equally severe but not so extensive. A much severer one at the West June 4. Many lives lost. Rain on Sycamore street one inch an hour proved too much for the sewers and filled houses and cellars.

CINCINNATI, May 23, 1860.

DEAR UNCLE: — We are all very well; have escaped the hurricane and floods without injury. Mother Webb was on a railroad train going to Lexington the afternoon of the great blow — the train ran over a tree causing alarm, but no injury to passengers.

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Lincoln you are, of course, pleased with. He takes well here. All well at Columbus.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

CINCINNATI, May 11, 1860.

DEAR UNCLE — Our delegates have left for Chicago. After Chase, they will prefer Wade, Fremont, or some such candidate — anyone named before Seward.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

1859

CINCINNATI, September 10, 1859.

DEAR GUY:—It is a long while since I have heard from you or written to you. I have thought of you often, as often as ever, and take as great an interest as ever in you and yours. We are sorry not to have seen you and your wife before you left for the South in the spring. This will not, I hope, be the last of you in Washington. I do not question your sincerity when you express disgust with political life at Washington. No doubt its dark side is dark enough; yet that ought not to drive from the public service good men whose tastes, opportunities, and abilities point [them] out as fitted for public station.

How is your wife? How are you living? Write me of all your affairs; how is Stephen and your older brothers? Uncle Birchard spent a good deal of the winter and spring with me. He often talks of you all. He has tolerable health now and does not change rapidly. He has joined the Presbyterian Church and is largely interested in church and religious matters. He is free from all sectarianism and bigotry, takes cheerful and hopeful views of things, and is as clear of all that is disagreeable in many persons who are religiously inclined, as any one I ever knew. He is a happier and, perhaps, a better man.

My wife and boys are my world, and occupy all my time, or nearly all, which is not given to business. Outside of my profession, I read occasionally a good book, and keep a general run of politics. This summer I made a trip with Birtie to Kenyon. Rogers is there studying theology. I staid with Julia Buttles Smith. Mrs. Solis (Harriet Platt), Lizzie Campbell (Little) and Dr. John Little were all there pleasantly reminding me of old times. I have also during the vacation of the courts made a pleasure trip East and to Mammoth Cave.

I do not know what part you took in the late contest for Governor in Texas; but supposing you entertain your former notions about General Houston we probably agree in feeling sorry that the Old Humbug has again risen to the surface. It may be regarded as a proper rounding off of his chequered career by lovers of the romantic, but in any other view it is not agreeable to contemplate.

Douglas was here and spoke last night. It is supposed by most of his friends that the South will consent to his nomination at Charleston, and if so his chance of winning the Presidency seems very good. His last expression of his views in Harper’s certainly strengthens him in the North.

Write to me. — As ever,

R. B. HAYES.

GUY M. BRYAN,

Texas.

CINCINNATI, December 17, 1858.

DEAR UNCLE: — I had heard from Mother of your illness, and am glad you are getting well. The weather is now fine and I hope we shall see you next week. As to our boys, I agree that it is very desirable to bring them up in the country as much as possible. They are however very strong and healthy. Birtie has gained wonderfully. He now looks as if he might grow up large and heavy.

The duties of my new office are all in the line of my profession. The suits of the city, advice to all its officers in legal matters, etc., etc., occupy my attention. The litigation of a city like this is very important and of great variety. My assistant will attend to the less important matters, leaving me free to devote to the leading cases all my time. The amount of business is not large — at least not too large; not so perplexing, I think, as my old place. — Let us see you soon.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

CINCINNATI, December 9, 1858.

DEAR UNCLE:—I am in my new office (City Solicitor’s office) and, seeing I was elected only last night, begin to feel much at home. The berth is a good one. Salary three thousand five hundred dollars per year and duties agreeable. I am well spoken of by all the papers. The Commercial of Wednesday and Thursday I suppose you saw. All the Americans, all the Republicans, and one Democrat voted for me. No one of our side could get in without that Democratic vote. It was pleasant all around except that our old friend Caleb [B.] Smith had to be disappointed. But as I behaved liberally in the premises, no blame for that attaches to me. This is much better than the judgeship. Besides, I discovered that the judge appointed by the Governor only gets fifteen hundred dollars. My present office is to be filled in four or five months by the people.

Boys and Lucy all well. We hope to see you soon.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.