April 9, Saturday. Senator Wilson to-day and Mr. Rice yesterday called in relation to the investigations which Olcott is prosecuting in Boston. They both were moved to call by Smith brothers, who are beginning to feel uneasy. Their attacks on others, if not their wrong acts, have provoked inquiries concerning themselves. I remarked to each of the gentlemen that the Smiths had nothing to apprehend if they had done no wrong.
Finished draft of letter in reply to three resolutions — one of the Senate and two of the House — inquiring concerning the ironclads, Du Pont’s attack last April, etc. The documents to be sent are voluminous. Du Pont instigated the inquiry, and will be very likely to regret it, not having seen my report and accompanying papers. He evidently thought I would not publish the detailed reports, which he had secured and prepared for a purpose, but I had communicated them with my report. Spaulding, one of the Naval Committee, allowed himself to be used in the intrigue, and, to his discredit, called for the documents which I had sent in with report and which had been printed before his resolution was offered, though he avers I had not presented them. Few of the Members of Congress do their work thoroughly, or give matters examination, and hence, like Spaulding, are often victimized. But Du Pont and his friend Winter Davis, like all intriguers, overrode themselves in some of their movements. For two years Du Pont was the petted man of the Department. He has abilities and had courted and brought into his clique many of the best officers of the Navy. These always were lauding him. Those who were not of his circle were silent, and I had to form my opinions and conclusions from what I saw and heard. Fox was very devoted to him and could never do too much for him. To no man has he ever evinced more partiality. As a general thing, I have thought Fox, considering his associations and prejudices formed in the service, has been fair and just towards the officers, but Du Pont asked for nothing that Fox was not willing and urgent to have me grant, yet eventually D. turned upon him.
April 8, Friday. Answered a letter from J. P. Hale, Chairman of Naval Committee, on the question of increasing the Marine Corps. In answering the inquiries of Mr. Hale, it is important to so word my communication as to leave the honorable gentleman some discretion, for he makes it a rule to oppose any measure which the Department strongly recommends. Mr. Rice, Chairman of the Naval Committee of the House, informs me of a conversation he had with Hale a few days since, when he lectured Hale severely for his course. Told him that, while professing to be a friend of the Administration, he exerted himself to see if he could not in some way find fault with it, as though he could gain popularity to himself personally while denouncing the Administration and especially that branch of it with which he was more particularly identified. Hale replied that he had the most implicit confidence in the integrity and fidelity of Gideon Welles, but that he had no confidence in Mr. Fox or Admiral Smith, etc., etc.
But little at the Cabinet. Neither Chase nor Blair attended. Seward says our friends in the British Ministry are to be defeated. Told him I regretted it, but that it was not an unmitigated evil. I had not the apprehensions from it which he seemed to entertain. I certainly felt disinclined to make concessions to retain them.
Called this evening on Admiral Dahlgren, who is inconsolable for the loss of his son. Advised him to get abroad and mingle in the world, and not yield to a blow that was irremediable.
Wise, who is Chief ad interim of the Ordnance Bureau, is almost insane for the appointment of Chief, and, like too many, supposes the way to promotion is by denouncing those who stand in his way, or whom he supposes stand in his way. Mr. Everett writes to old Mr. Blair against Dahlgren. Admiral Stringham and Worden called on me yesterday in behalf of Wise and both opposed D. They were sent by Wise.
April 7, Thursday. Adjourned the Wilkes court martial to-day until Monday, the 18th inst. The testimony is all in, and the case will go to judgment as soon as the arguments are delivered. Defense wanted eight to ten days, and the members of the Court desired to go home for a few days. Every effort has been made to evade the issues in this case and to get up false ones. All of Wilkes’s long letters have been introduced, etc., etc.
April 6, Wednesday. Little of importance. Some movements by the army in contemplation, yet nothing has been communicated to the Navy Department, except an intimation that ironclads may be wanted on the James River. This intimation, or obscure request, comes indirectly from General Grant; nothing from the War Department proper.
April 5, Tuesday. The returns of the Connecticut election come in favorably. Buckingham is reelected by a largely increased majority, and the Unionists have two thirds at least of the Legislature. This disposes of another of the Seymours. O. S. Seymour, the defeated Democratic candidate, has respectable abilities and industry. In the latter respect he is very different from T. H. Seymour, the last year’s candidate. The latter was marked by indolence for his own from boyhood. Always lazy, proud, and opinionated, but with genius and a fair share of talents if put to any use. He is excessively fond of adulation, and seeks the caresses of the young and the ignorant. Origen S. is a trimmer in politics, more pliable than Tom, though each has a trait of insincerity. Eaton, who has been rather the leader of the anti-War faction, was a candidate for Representative in Hartford and defeated. It is an evidence of returning sense among some of the community. Last year he was chosen by a majority of some three hundred. Now he is defeated.
April 4, Monday. Heard an excellent discourse yesterday from Bishop Whipple.
Called on Stanton, respecting the letters of General Gillmore from June 12 to July 6, 1863.
Had a call from J. P. Hale respecting appointments. This man, so long a Senator, has no comprehensive or statesmanlike views. Would set aside legislative action and law because he thinks it operates hard on a lieutenant whom he knows.
April 2, Saturday. John M. Forbes called. After talking on one or two subjects he spoke of the National Convention and his regret that the call was so early, and asked me as one of the committee to reconsider the subject. Told him I would hear and consider anything from him, but that my mind was deliberately made up, and I thought the sooner the nomination was made, the better united we should be. He went over the usual ground, — if the summer campaign was unfortunate, etc., etc., how could we change our candidates? I answered we did not intend to be unfortunate, but if we were, I could not see how any different candidate would help the Union cause. Reverses might strengthen the Copperheads.
He then talked of the President, — his want of energy, decision, promptness, in consequence of which the country suffered. It was evident from what I gathered that Mr. Forbes wanted another candidate than Abraham Lincoln, and hence he desired delay. Forbes means well. His heart is right. He is shrewd and sagacious, but men betray their feelings and partialities unavoidably. I have no doubt he desires to have Mr. Chase a candidate, though he speaks of only Ben Butler, whom he dislikes.
Cautioned Fox to beware of yielding to the suggestions and opinions of detective Olcott, unless fully satisfied by facts in his possession. Mr. Wilson, the counsel, must advise in these matters, and nothing be done in the way of seizure and arrest but by Mr. Wilson’s direction.
April 1, 1864, Friday. The Chronicle of this morning contains my letter, with some errors, to the Senate in response to a call relating to transfers. It makes some commotion among the Members of Congress, and will cause some in the War Department, I presume.
There was nothing of special interest to-day in the Cabinet. Stanton was not present, nor was Blair. Chase calls for largely additional taxes, which I have no doubt are necessary. There should have been heavier taxes the last two years, — at least double what have been collected. Undoubtedly demagogues will try to prevent this necessary measure for party ends, but I believe the good sense and intelligence of the people will prevail over the debasing abuse of party. I apprehend that Chase is not making the most of his position, and think he has committed some errors. No one could have altogether avoided them.
Seward spoke to me concerning the case of the Sir William Peel, captured at the mouth of the Rio Grande. She had carried contraband ostensibly to Matamoras, but portions had gone direct to Brownsville, and cotton had been brought direct from that place in return. It is claimed, however, that she was captured in Mexican waters, though near the United States, and therefore Seward says she must be given up. I asked him to whom. If captured in Mexican waters, no power but Mexico could make the claim. This he undertook to deny, provided the government of Mexico was enfeebled by revolution and not able to sustain itself. But I told him if able to assert and maintain neutrality, then Mexico, and she alone, could intervene; if not able to maintain her claim of neutrality, no other one could make a claim of Mexican jurisdiction.
I am fearful he will make a misfire on this question. He has never looked into maritime law, and will make any sacrifice of national or individual rights to keep in with England.
March 30, Wednesday. A severe storm last night and to-day. Mrs. Welles had arranged for a party this evening. The rain ceased about sundown. The evening passed off pleasantly. A large and choice company and many celebrities.
Secretary Seward fell in with Mr. Carpenter, the artist, in the parlor. Carpenter is getting out a large painting of the President and the Cabinet at the time the Emancipation Proclamation was under consideration. The President and Cabinet have given him several sittings, and the picture is well under weigh. Mr. C. thinks this act the great feature of the Administration, as do many others likely; but Seward said it was but an incident following and wholly subordinate to other and much greater events. When C. asked what, Seward told him to go back to the firing on Sumter, or to a much more exciting one than even that, —the Sunday following the Baltimore massacre, when the Cabinet assembled or gathered in the Navy Department and, with the vast responsibility that was thrown upon them, met the emergency and its awful consequences, put in force the war power of the government, and issued papers and did acts that might have brought them all to the scaffold.
Few, comparatively, know or can appreciate the actual condition of things and state of feeling of the members of the Administration in those days. Nearly sixty years of peace had unfitted us for any war, but the most terrible of all wars, a civil one, was upon us, and it had to be met. Congress had adjourned without making any provision for the storm, though aware it was at hand and soon to burst upon the country. A new Administration, scarcely acquainted with each other, and differing essentially in the past, was compelled to act, promptly and decisively.
March 29, Tuesday. Not long at Cabinet-meeting. Chase still feels that he did not make a good case in the matter of the Princeton. He inquired with assumed nonchalance how I got on with Lee and Butler in the matter of permits. I told him the whole subject of trade belonged to the Treasury, and I gave myself no further concern about it than to stop abuse through naval officers. He denied that he had anything to do with matters of trade within the Rebel lines. I replied that General Butler gave permits for trade and quoted the trade regulations for his authority, and when I referred the matter to him for explanation, he had taken no exception. Chase seemed stumped. Said the regulations had not been officially promulgated. I told him that I knew not whether they were or not, but if they had been I asked if they authorized the proposed trade. He said they did not.
Told Mr. Wilson he must look into Johnson’s case, for I did not like it should be longer suspended.
