Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

The American Civil War

Cape Girardeau, November 11, 1861.

We have just arrived here after a week’s absence from any sign of civilized life. Saturday the 2d we (our company) went out six or seven miles from the Point to guard a bridge on the Cairo and Fulton Railroad. Sunday we came back to the Point, and found the tents of our regiment all struck and everything prepared for a march. By dark we were all safely stowed on the “Aleck Scott,” and also five companies of the11th Illinois. At 10 p.m. the boat shoved out, but had to tie to all night about 10 miles up the river on account of the fog. Monday at 10 a.m. we landed at Commerce between Cape Girardeau and Cairo and stayed there all night. Up to this time we had not the most distant idea of where we were going, but here we began to guess that we were after Jeff Thompson and company. Tuesday morning we started back into the country and camped for the night on Colonel Hunter’s farm, a distance of 18 miles. (I forgot to mention that the 18th and 22d Illinois with three companies, cavalry and two pieces artillery joined us before we started from Commerce, making a total of some 2,200 men.) This Colonel Hunter is in the Rebel Army When we stopped at his farm there was a large flock of sheep, at least 40 goats and pigs, turkey, geese, chickens and ducks without number. After we had been there a half hour I don’t believe there was a living thing on the farm that did not come with our train. I never saw a slaughterhouse on as large a scale before. The next day the boys made an awful uproar on the road, playing that the sheep, hogs, geese, etc., inside of them were calling for their comrades. Wednesday night we stopped at Little Water River and the slaughtering commenced immediately. All along the road up to this place every horse or mule that showed himself was gobbled instanter, a bridle cramped, and some footman made happy. It was hard to tell whether our force was infantry or cavalry that night. This was too much for the colonel, so next morning he drew the brigade up in column of company and gave us fits. He made the men turn every horse loose; told us that the next man that cramped anything without permission would be dealt with as severely as the regulations would allow. That suited me. I never have been disgusted with soldiering save in those two days, and I tell you that I did then feel like deserting. When we are marching through a country as thoroughly secesh as this is, I think that the men should be allowed fresh meat at the expense of the natives; but there is a proper and soldier-like way to get it. We can send our foraging party ahead and have all we want at camp when we halt, but to allow men to butcher everything they see is moblike. Wednesday night Jeff’s men tried to burn a bridge a short distance from us and this led to a little brush, but the cavalry only were engaged. Thursday we marched all day and went into camp at night without seeing a horse. The march was through the “Black Swamp.” The ground was covered with this black moss four inches deep and so thick that ’tis like a carpet. That was an awful gloomy road and I was glad enough to land at a nice clear stream and have orders to pitch tents. That night not a thing was pressed. The next day we got into Bloomfield about 9 a.m. and found Jeff gone. For the third time we pitched tents on one of his deserted camps. I have just now heard that we started with orders to push on down to New Madrid, but here the orders were countermanded and we were started to Cape Girardeau. This Bloomfield is a rank Rebel hole. The first Rebel company in Missouri was raised here. It is the county seat of Stoddard or Scott, and a very fine place. Here the boys got the understanding that we were to be allowed some liberties and take them they did. They broke open four or five stores whose owners had left, and helped themselves. Colonel Dick (Oglesby) thought this was going too far, so he stopped it and sent a police force around to collect the stolen (pressed rather) property. I walked around and took a look at the pile they collected. There were lots of women’s bonnets, girl’s hats, mallets, jars of medicine, looking glasses three feet long, boys’ boots, flat irons, a nice side table and I don’t know what wasn’t there. It beat anything I ever saw. The men had no way to carry these things but on their backs, and what the devil they stole them for is more than I know. Well, the colonel divided the stuff out again among the men, but stopped stealing entirely for the future. We have been a respectable regiment since then. On the march back to the Cape, the 10th Iowa was ahead of us and they fired several houses. We (our regiment) saved one of the houses but the rest burned down. The march back to the Cape was a fast one but quiet. We arrested some 20 or 30 of Jeff’s men but released them all again. At Bloomfield my tent was pitched under a tree on which we saw the marks of three ropes to the ends of which Colonel Lowe attached three men not very long since. The ropes had cut through the moss on the tree and the marks will be visible a long time. We also arrested a number of men that had been concerned in hanging Union men through the country, At Round Pond an intelligent man told us that 17 men (Union) had been hung and shot inside of three days and he saw their bodies in one pile lying in the woods. We have marched over 1oo miles this trip, and we have not seen a mile of prairie. I haven’t been 20 feet from a tree for three months. The 17th are going into winter quarters.here. Our regiment will certainly be in the next fight at Columbus. We start back to the Point at 3 to-morrow morning.

November 11.—At Columbus, Ky., a Dahlgren gun exploded, killing two lieutenants and six privates. General Polk narrowly escaped. A portion of his clothes were torn off.—N. Y. Evening Post, November 14.

—One Hundred And Tnx men of the Kansas Jayhawkers, under Col. Anthony, attacked a rebel camp on the Little Blue, near Kansas City, defeated the rebels, and captured a large number of horses. The Federal loss was eight killed and eight wounded. The rebel loss is not known.—(Doc. 151.)

—The Richmond Enquirer gives the subjoined list of property subject to the war tax in the South:

“Real estate, including all lands and estates therein, with ferries, bridges, and mines; slaves of all ages; merchandise, of all kinds, for sale, except agricultural products of the country; bank stock, except such as may be returned the bank, by its proper officer; railroad and other corporate stock; money at interest, including bills and all notes and securities bearing interest, except Confederate bends; cash on hand or deposit, in bank or elsewhere; cattle, horses, and mules, raised or held for sale; gold watches; gold and silver plate; pianos, and pleasure carriages.”

—The Twenty-third Massachusetts regiment, Col. John Kurtz, left Boston, via Fall River and New York, for Annapolis.—The obsequies of Col. Baker, killed at Ball’s Bluff, took place in New York City. At eleven A. M., the procession consisting of the Seventy-first regiment N. Y. S. M., with full band and drum corps, the staff of the First Division, and numerous residents of Philadelphia, Washington, and the city, hailing from the Pacific slope of the Republic, marched down Broadway, and by Battery Place and West street to Pier No. 8, North River, where the body was received on board the steamer Northern Light, which shortly afterward sailed for the Isthmus of Panama, whence the remains were conveyed to their last resting-place, near San Francisco. Flags were at half-mast on the City Hall and other public buildings, and the whole scene was very impressive.—N. Y. Times, November 12.

—A Grand torch-light procession, in honor of General McClellan, took place at Washington. The entertainment was planned by General Blenker’s division. The procession, after passing the President’s house, halted at that of General McClellan, and serenaded the General. Speeches were delivered by Secretary Cameron, Mr. Seward, and Gen. Blenker, after which the procession moved through the city and across the Potomac.—A reconnoissance was made by Col. Weber in the direction of New Market bridge, near Fortress Monroe. The rebels were met in some force, but were compelled to retire with a loss of two killed and several wounded. —N. Y. Commercial, November 18.

—The Fifty-second N. Y. regiment, Col. Paul Frank, left its encampment on Staten Island, and proceeded to Amboy on its way to Washington. The regiment numbers nearly a thousand men, all of whom are thoroughly uniformed, armed, and equipped.—N. Y. Times, Nov. 12.

—Within the last ten days over fourteen thousand soldiers have been entertained at the Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, in Philadelphia, Pa. From the 2d to the 8th inst., nine thousand and seventeen troops were transported over the Camden and Amboy, and Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad to the South.—Philadelphia Ledger, November 9.

—Guyandotte in Western Virginia, the scene of the massacre of a number of men of the Ninth Virginia regiment, was burned by two hundred men of the Fifth Virginia regiment.— Wheeling Intelligencer, Nov. 14.

—Col. Graham, of the Excelsior Brigade, crossed the Potomac at Matthias Point with five hundred men, and made a reconnoissance. He found no enemy or batteries at the point, and saw but one rebel picket, who was killed by one of the advance pickets because he attempted to run away. The rebels were in force some nine miles in the interior, but refused to offer battle to the reconnoitring party. Much forage for rebel cavalry was destroyed. The troops returned to their encampment, near Port Tobacco, on the Maryland shore, without the loss of a single man. Subsequent to their return they learned that, at Boyd’s Hole, only a few miles below, the rebels had a battery of six heavy guns, which it was believed the forces could have taken had they been aware of the fact when they were on the Virginia shore.— (Doc. 152.)

Camp Ewing, November 10 (Sunday night late), 1861.

Dearest : — I have just returned from a hard day’s work examining the romantic mountain gorge of New River which we are preparing to cross, but which I suspect we shall not cross. A glorious day — exciting, and delightfully spent.

Got your letter by Dr. Clendenin on my return at dark. A good letter, darling. Write ’em often.

Yes, Frémont’s removal hurts me as it does you. I hate it as much as I did the surrender of Sumter. It may be justified and required by the facts; but I don’t see it in anything yet published against him.

Mrs. Herron is misinformed about Matthews. I know all about it. The colonel would have returned and expected to return. He wished a change immensely, but he would not have resigned. I am sorry to lose him. I know he did his best to get me with him. He got a promise which he thought would please me even better. — It is all agreeable with me here — perfectly so. I can’t say when I shall be able to go home. Not for some weeks, but sometime during December or January, I see no reason to doubt that I shall see you. . . .

We sent home a lot of things and would send more if we could. (Take care of the soldier with the scalded hand. You will, of course.[1]) The reason is, the roads are bad and when we move as we must do often, we shall be compelled to leave or destroy all surplus baggage.

Affectionately,

Rutherford.

Mrs. Hayes.


[1] Mrs. Hayes wrote November 19: “We had kept the soldier, Harvey, here. His hand was badly burnt, but mother has dressed it every day, and now it is well.”

Boston, November 10, 1861

I am very anxious to hear news from Europe, for I cannot believe that it was my “letter” which caused you “a sleepless night.” I fear the despatches had something to do with it. In most perfect confidence, will you tell me, does Seward want or intend to make a foreign war? He is too profound a man to brag the country into a war by simply being over-confident and overbearing; and if he does it, I know him well enough to know he means to and has a design, and just now it looks surprisingly like it. As you know I have the highest faith in Seward and would surrender it as late as any one; but a policy so comprehensive and immense, and so evidently doing evil that good might come of it puzzles me strangely. However my faith is abiding that the world will not come to an end this time.

P. S. On reading the foreign files I am annoyed to see the rumpus created in England by the Harvey Birch affair. We again present the ludicrous aspect of two people scared, the one at the other. While Englishmen are trembling over the Harvey Birch, we have been quaking over the seizure of Slidell and Mason. The Harvey Birch, I am told, belonged to secession owners in New York, and all New York is chuckling over their loss, which they most richly deserve. The public at large, so far as I can see and hear, feel no indignation, but merely a sense of intense relief at such a Godsend having just now turned up in the moment of our greatest need. . . .

Nov. 10.—Surely this year will ever be memorable to me for its perfection of natural beauty. Never was sunshine such pure gold, or moonlight such transparent silver. The beautiful custom prevalent here of decking the graves with flowers on All Saint’s day was well fulfilled, so profuse and rich were the blossoms. On All-hallow Eve Mrs. S. and myself visited a large cemetery. The chrysanthemums lay like great masses of snow and flame and gold in every garden we passed, and were piled on every costly tomb and lowly grave. The battle of Manassas robed many of our women in mourning, and some of these, who had no graves to deck, were weeping silently as they walked through the scented avenues.

A few days ago Mrs. E. arrived here. She is a widow, of Natchez, a friend of Mrs. F.’s, and is traveling home with the dead body of her eldest son, killed at Manassas. She stopped two days waiting for a boat, and begged me to share her room and read her to sleep, saying she couldn’t be alone since he was killed; she feared her mind would give way. So I read all the comforting chapters to be found till she dropped into forgetfulness, but the recollection of those weeping mothers in the cemetery banished sleep for me.

______

Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in New Orleans, the diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were often used instead of full names — and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials.

November 10.—Captain Gillespie’s cavalry surrounded a body of Lincolnites in Paw Paw Hollow, Sevier County, Tenn., and captured twenty-five of them.—Knoxville Register, Nov. 11.

—Major-general Halleck, lately arrived from California, was appointed to the command of the Military Department of the West, in place of General Fremont, and General Buell, of Ohio, an efficient army officer who can point to a brilliant record, was put in charge of Kentucky, in place of General Sherman, resigned. These two men are in the prime of life—about forty years of age—and their antecedents warrant the expectations that there will be no more mistakes in the Western section.—N. Y. Herald, November 11.

—The New Orleans Crescent has the following: “Unfortunately the resources of the Hessian Government of Lincoln have been underrated. It is now nearly six months since a vessel entered the port of New Orleans from a distant country. The same remarks will apply to Mobile and other ports on the gulf. Where a vessel with a cargo of merchandise has passed the Lincoln blockade, twenty passed the blockade in the war of 1812. Flour from Spain can be delivered via Havana, at our levee, at eight to ten dollars per barrel, such as we ourselves paid yesterday eighteen dollars for.”

—Captain H. H. Miller, of the Twelfth Miss, regiment, informs the Lynchburg Virginian that on this day he, with twenty-two Virginians, attacked three hundred Union men in East Tennessee, at Taylor’s Ford, on the Watauga River, killed nine, wounded seven, and withdrew without loss.—(Doc. 146.)

—Lots were drawn by the United State prisoners in Richmond, Va., which should stand as a hostage for Smith, convicted of piracy in Philadelphia. Col. Corcoran was designated. Thirteen others were set apart as hostages for the men taken on the privateer Savannah.—(Doc. 147.)

—A band of rebels, armed and mounted, broke open and plundered the store of a loyal citizen, at Clark’s Station, seven miles east of Tipton, Mo., to-night. Col. Deitzler, on hearing of it, sent a squad of cavalry, under command of Lieut. Shriver, from the First Iowa regiment, in pursuit. All the gang but one were captured, and the property recovered.—(Doc. 148.)

—Gen. Benham, with his brigade, crossed the Kanawha River near the mouth of Loup Creek, Western Virginia, and marched forward on the road to Fayetteville Court House, to get in the rear of the rebel army under Floyd, on Cotton Hill, at the junction of the New, Gauley and Kanawha Rivers.—Part of Gen. Cox’s brigade at the same time crossed the New River near Gauley, and attacked Floyd’s force in front. After a slight skirmish, the rebels fell back to Dickenson’s Farm, four miles, and at night retreated toward Raleigh.—(Doc. 149.)

—One Hundred and Fifty Union men of the Ninth Virginia regiment were surprised by seven hundred rebels under one Jenkins, at Guyandotte, in Western Virginia, and all killed or taken prisoners. Apparently the surprise was effected by the treachery of the inhabitants of the town, as when it was made the soldiers were scattered all over the place at houses to which they had been invited with the appearance of hospitality.—(Doc. 150.)

9th.—This morning, as I passed through the camp giving directions about cleaning and ventilating tents, whilst the regiment was on parade, my Colonel, seeing me so engaged, gave orders that no directions of mine need be obeyed till he sanctioned them. A very strange order; but as it releases me from responsibility for the health of the regiment, I shall henceforward leave the police regulations of the camp to him, and stay at the hospital. I think it will take but a short time to convince him of his mistake, and that he knows nothing of the sanitary wants of a camp.

Post image for William Thompson Lusk writes his mother on the Port Royal expedition, “We see the American banner once more floating on the soil of South Carolina.”—

Headquarters 2nd Brigade,

Hilton Head, Nov. 9th, 1861.

My dear Mother:

It is a long, long time since I have heard from home — nearly three weeks I think since we have been blessed with news by mail, and all this time I am wondering how you are all faring in New-York. Well, when a mail bag does come, may it be crowded with all sorts of good news. Now we have good news to report, for we are now enjoying ourselves in the pleasant climate of South Carolina.

We have been many days on shipboard, 1700 of us all together, on board the good ship “Vanderbilt” which bravely rode the storm, while other good ships foundered in the sea. But the storm abated, and the winds went down, and we were lying off the coast of South Carolina. Then we thought that a death struggle was about to commence, for were we not to lock arms, and wrestle, with traitors at the very headquarters of rebellion? We lay off Beaufort Harbor some sixty hours in idleness, waiting for the ball to open. That navy though is a slow affair, and we abused it mightily, being impatient to decide the fate of the expedition. Our naval commanders — Commodore Dupont and Secretary of Navy Welles—received most unflattering notices. Why would they not begin? Finally the old concern got a working — the “Wabash” led off, and was followed by a whole fleet of minor vessels. They sailed into line, and soon were sharply engaged with the forts protecting the entrance to the Harbor. For four hours shot were poured thickly into the defenses of the besieged, and nearly as long a time the besiegers sent destruction among our ships. But the terrible explosions of our shell, the steady broadsides poured from the Frigate “Wabash,” and the sure-aimed missiles sent from the little gunboats that would run up close to the shore, ensuring thus accuracy of aim — all these things were terrible in their effect upon the foe. At last a white flag floated from the parapet of their fortification, and quickly a white flag was despatched from the “Wabash” to the shore. Hip, Hip, Hurrah! We see— ay — we rub our eyes — is it really true? We see the American banner once more floating on the soil of South Carolina. All this time we were looking on, silent spectators of the scene. But now the harbor rings with the shouts of applause with which we greeted the great naval victory. We forgot for a moment how slow Secretary Welles is, and how dreadfully slow are all the operations of the Navy. And now we vile Yankee hordes are overrunning the pleasant islands about Beaufort, rioting upon sweet potatoes and Southern sunshine. Hilton Head is a sandy island but beautiful with palmetto leaves, cotton fields, magnolia and orange groves, and plantations of sugar cane. Here lived the Pinckneys, the Draytons, and other high-blooded Hidalgos, whose effervescing exuberance of gentlemanly spirit have done so much to cause our present troubles. Alas! Yankee hordes, ruthless invaders—the vile Hessians—infest their splendid plantations. One poor fellow was taken prisoner; afterward we learned there was in our hospital a brother of his, dying from disease, a young man who was too ill to retreat when his comrades fled precipitately. The brother first mentioned ventured to request that they two might remain together. To his surprise the request was willingly granted, and they seemed to feel that we had shown them a great kindness. The effects left by the South Carolinians in their flight show that there were many young men of wealth among them, who, feeling obliged, probably, to do their duty as soldiers, selected the neighborhood of Beaufort, which is a kind of Southern Saratoga. But if the flower of South Carolina youth, it is to be regretted that the flower never paid more attention to the spelling-book. A letter written them from a friend exhorts them to remember that they are “of gentilmanly blud.” As a sort of memento I send you enclosed a “poem,” the brilliancy of which will make it pay for the perusal. I saw William Ely yesterday. It is long since I’ve seen him before, and he has changed so that I did not recognize him until he gave me his name. If I had time I would write pages more, but I am full of business now. Oh a thousand times love and oceans of kisses for sisters and little ones, with less demonstrative but very warm regards for all friends.

I remain Affec’y.,

Will.

Can’t stop to correct what I’ve written, so excuse mistakes.

Camp Ewing, November 9, 1861.

Dear Mother : — It is a rainy disagreeable November day. I have done up all the little chores required, have read the article in November number of the Atlantic Monthly on “Health in Camp,” and hope not to be interrupted until I have finished a few words to you.

I wish you could see how we live. We have clothing and provisions in abundance, if men were all thrifty—food enough and good enough in spite of unthrift. Blankets, stockings, undershirts, drawers, and shoes are always welcome. These articles or substitutes are pretty nearly the only things the soldiers’ aid societies need to send. India-rubber or oilcloth capes, or the like, are not quite abundant enough. Our tents are floored with loose boards taken from deserted secession barns and houses. For warmth we have a few stoves, but generally fires in trenches in front of the tents or in little ovens or furnaces in the tents formed by digging a hole a foot deep by a foot and a half wide and leading under the sides of the tent, the smoke passing up through chimneys made of barrels or sticks crossed cob-house fashion, daubed with mud.

There is not much suffering from cold or wet. The sickness is generally camp fever — a typhoid fever not produced, I think, by any defect in food, clothing, or shelter. Officers, who are generally more comfortably provided than the privates, suffer quite as much as the men — indeed, rather more in our regiment. Besides, the people residing here have a similar fever. Exposure in the night and to bad weather in a mountain climate to which men are not accustomed, seems to cause the sickness irrespective of all other circumstances. We have nine hundred and twenty five men and officers, of whom two hundred and thirty are sick in camp, in hospitals in Virginia and in Ohio. Less than one-fourth of the privates are sick. One-half the captains, and one-half the lieutenants are or lately have been sick. Few are seriously or dangerously sick. Almost all are able to walk about. Only five out of about as many hundred cases have died. Three of them were very excellent men. Overwork and an anxiety not [to] give up had much to do with the fatal nature of their attacks. One was one of our best and hardiest captains, and one a most interesting youngster who somehow always reminded me of Birch — Captain Woodward, of Cleveland, and Bony Seaman, of Logan County.

I never was healthier in my life. I do not by any means consider myself safe from the fever, however, if we remain in our present location — higher up in the mountains than any other regiment. If I should find myself having any of the symptoms, I shall instantly come home. Those who have done so have all recovered within a week or two and been able to return to duty. I do not notice any second attacks, although I suppose they sometimes occur. Other regiments have had more deaths than we have had, but not generally a larger sicklist.

Our men are extremely well-behaved, orderly, obedient, and cheerful. I can think of no instance in which any man has ever been in the slightest degree insolent or sullen in his manner towards me.

During the last week the enemy have made an attempt to dislodge us from our position by firing shot and shell at our camps from the opposite side of New River. For three days there was cannonading during the greater part of daylight of each day. Nothing purporting to be warfare could possibly be more harmless. I knew of two or three being wounded, and have heard that one man was killed. They have given it up as a failure and I do not expect to see it repeated.

Dr. Jim Webb came here a few days ago, on a dispatch from the general, and will aid in taking charge of the sick in some part of the army, not in our regiment. He brought many most acceptable knickknacks and comforts from home. . . .

The newspapers do great mischief by allowing false and exaggerated accounts of suffering here to be published. It checks enlistments. The truth is, it is a rare thing for a good soldier to find much cause of complaint. But I suppose the public are getting to understand this. I would not say anything to stop benevolent people from contributing such articles of clothing and bedding as I have described. These articles are always put to good use. — Love to all.

Affectionately, your son,

R. B. Hayes.

Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

NOVEMBER 9TH.—Gen. Winder and all his police and Plug Ugly gang have their friends or agents, whom they continually desire to send to Maryland. And often there comes a request from Gen. Huger, at Norfolk, for passports to be granted certain parties to go out under flag of truce. I suppose he can send whom he pleases.

We have news of a bloody battle in the West, at Belmont. Gen. Pillow and Bishop Polk defeated the enemy, it is said, killing and wounding 1000. Our loss, some 500.

Port Royal, on the coast of South Carolina, has been taken by the enemy’s fleet. We had no casemated batteries. Here the Yankees will intrench themselves, and cannot be dislodged. They will take negroes and cotton, and menace both Savannah and Charleston.