Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Note: This particular diary entry—a document written in 1861—includes terms and topics that may be offensive to many today.  No attempt will be made to censor or edit 19th century material to today’s standards.

August 24th.—My servant came in this morning, to announce a trifling accident—he was exercising my horse, and at the corner of one of those charming street crossings, the animal fell and broke its leg. A “vet” was sent for. I was sure that such a portent had never been born in those Daunian woods. A man about twenty-seven or twenty-eight stone weight, middle-aged and active, with a fine professional feeling for distressed horse-flesh; and I was right in my conjectures that he was a Briton, though the vet had become Americanised, and was full of enthusiasm about “our war for the Union,” which was yielding him a fine harvest. He complained there were a good many bad characters about Washington. The matter is proved beyond doubt by what we see, hear, and read. To-day there is an account in the papers of a brute shooting a negro boy dead, because he asked him for a chew of tobacco. Will he be hanged? Not the smallest chance of it. The idea of hanging a white man for killing a nigger! It is more preposterous here than it is in India, where our authorities have actually executed whites for the murder of natives.

Before dinner I walked down to the Washington navy yard. Captain Dahlgren was sorely perplexed with an intoxicated Senator, whose name it is not necessary to mention, and who seemed to think he paid me a great compliment by expressing his repeated desire “to have a good look at” me. “I guess you’re quite notorious now. You’ll excuse me because I’ve dined, now—and so you are the Mr. &c, &c, &c.” The Senator informed me that he was “none of your d___d blackfaced republicans. He didn’t care a d___ about niggers—his business was to do good to his fellow white men, to hold our glorious Union together, and let the niggers take care of themselves.”

I was glad when a diversion was effected by the arrival of Mr. Fox, Assistant-Secretary of the Navy, and Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, to consult with the Captain, who is greatly looked up to by all the members of the Cabinet—in fact he is rather inconvenienced by the perpetual visits of the President, who is animated by a most extraordinary curiosity about naval matters and machinery, and is attracted by the novelty of the whole department, so that he is continually running down “to have a talk with Dahlgren” when he is not engaged in “a chat with George.” The Senator opened such a smart fire on the Minister that the latter retired, and I mounted and rode back to town. In the evening Major Clarence Brown, Lieutenant Wise, a lively, pleasant, and amusing little sailor, well-known in the States as the author of ” Los Gringos,” who is now employed in the Navy Department, and a few of the gentlemen connected with the Foreign Legations came in, and we had a great international reunion and discussion till a late hour. There is a good deal of agreeable banter reserved for myself, as to the exact form of death which I am most likely to meet. I was seriously advised by a friend not to stir out unarmed. The great use of a revolver is that it will prevent the indignity of tarring and feathering, now pretty rife, by provoking greater violence. I also received a letter from London, advising me to apply to Lord Lyons for protection, but that could only be extended to me within the walls of the Legation.

AUGUST 24TH.—We are resting on our oars after the victory at Manassas, while the enemy is drilling and equipping 500,000 or 600,000 men. I hope we may not soon be floating down stream! We know the enemy is, besides, building iron-clad steamers—and yet we are not even erecting casemate batteries! We are losing precious time, and, perhaps, the government is saving money.

August 24th.—Daniel, of The Examiner, was at the President’s. Wilmot de Saussure wondered if a fellow did not feel a little queer, paying his respects in person at the house of a man whom he abused daily in his newspaper.

A fiasco: an aide engaged to two young ladies in the same house. The ladies had been quarreling, but became friends unexpectedly when his treachery, among many other secrets, was revealed under that august roof. Fancy the row when it all came out.

Mr. Lowndes said we have already reaped one good result from the war. The orators, the spouters, the furious patriots, that could hardly be held down, and who were so wordily anxious to do or die for their country—they had been the pest of our lives. Now they either have not tried the battleield at all, or have precipitately left it at their earliest convenience: for very shame we are rid of them for a while. I doubt it. Bright’s speech¹ is dead against us. Reading this does not brighten one.

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¹ The reference is to John Bright, whose advocacy of the cause of the Union in the British Parliament attracted a great deal of attention At the time.

August 24.—Depredations by soldiers on the property of citizens of Elizabeth City and County, in Virginia, occasioned an order from Gen. Wool, in which marauders were threatened with severe punishment—(Doc. 4.)

—The Cameron Rifles, N. Y. S. V., commanded by Col. Robert J. Betge, struck their tents at Hudson City, N. J., and departed for the seat of war.—N. Y. World, August 26.

—The Nashville American of this day says: We very much regret to observe that in some quarters, that are generally regarded as highly influential in moulding and controlling public opinion in the South, there is betrayed an evident willingness to create strife or dissension among the leaders of that grand revolution which is now exciting the respect and admiration of the civilized world, and is destined to eventuate in placing the South among the foremost nations of this or any other age. Whether this spirit arises from mistaken zeal of opinion, undue ambition, or envy of the prominent position of some in the revolution, we shall not stop to inquire. Whether it originates in all or either of these causes, it is alike calculated to lead to the most serious and disastrous consequences, unless checked by the patriotic unanimity of the people, in frowning down these incipient steps to party division. All the power, resources, malignity, and hostility of the enemy could not now do us a heavier injury than could be done by an angry, determined and acrimonious dissension, in which the people could be induced to enlist their feelings and array their strength on the different sides.

There is, indeed, no greater calamity that could befall the great Southern cause at this time than for a spirit of jealousy to get the ascendency in the councils of the Confederacy, or a deep-seated dissension to arise with regard to the conduct of the war, the policy of finance, or any other measure that may claim the attention of the Administration. Unity of action is so clearly necessary to the Southern cause, that we do not deem it necessary to illustrate or enforce its importance by argument. To the present time it has proven the chief strength of the Confederate States. That there will necessarily be differences of opinion, cannot be doubted. These are inevitable. They are useful. They promote sound views and healthy action. But these differences should be surrendered when decision has given place to discussion, and when the proper authorities determine on their policy.

The great mass of the people are prepared to follow those, whom they have chosen to lead in the war, in whatever direction they may designate. They are, moreover, prepared to make whatever sacrifices in fortune, in privation, or even in life, that may be necessary to maintain their rights, liberties and independence, and to secure for themselves and children the blessings of constitutional freedom. They have the highest confidence in the courage, prudence, judgment, and patriotism of those they have selected to lead them. No amount of criticism can shake their confidence, until the acts of the leaders of the revolution shall demonstrate that they are incapable of conducting our cause to success.

Their superior statesmanship thus far vindicates their wisdom. We will rally as one man, the people of the Confederate States, one and all, to sustain their policy, because it has proven to be the best, the wisest, and most successful. We will listen to no mere cavil. We will not forget that the leaders of the Revolution of ’76 had their rivals, even amid the storms of war. And we will remember that the patriotism of our ancestors sustained their chosen leaders, frowned down discord, and saved the cause.— Nashville American August 24.

—This morning James G. Berret, Esq., Mayor of the city of Washington, was arrested at his residence by a portion of the Provost-marshal’s Guard, and conveyed northward by the early railroad train. The causes of his arrest are unknown to the public. Several days ago he declined to take the oath prescribed by the act of Congress for members of the Board of Police Commissioners.—Capt. Robert Tansill and Lieut. Thos. S. Wilson of the Marine Corps, who had tendered their resignations, were also arrested and conveyed to Fort Lafayette. Mrs. Phillips, wife of Philip Phillips, Esq., ex-member of Congress from Alabama, and Mrs. Greenhow, widow of the late Robert Greenhow, were arrested on the charge of holding correspondence with the Confederates.—National Intelligencer, August 26.

—Last evening, while ex-Governor Thomas was addressing a crowd in front of a hotel at Cumberland, Va., some secessionists raised a disturbance which resulted in their being driven home and the destruction of the Alleghanian office, a secession newspaper. This morning the train bound West, which had ex-Governor Thomas aboard, when near Cumberland, came suddenly on several cross-ties thrown across the track, and at the same time a number of armed men were seen rapidly descending a neighboring hill. The engineer increased the speed of the locomotive, and succeeded in throwing the ties off the track with but little damage to the engine. Some Federal scouts then fired into the train, it is supposed by mistake, but without doing any damage. The design of the secessionists was to take ex-Governor Thomas prisoner.—(Doc. 5.)

—The True American, the Democratic organ of New Jersey, published at Trenton, suspended this morning, giving as a reason for the act that the National authorities had virtually interdicted the publication of every paper that did not support the Government and Administration.—N. Y. Times, August 26.

—Two attempts were made in Connecticut to raise peace flags—one of which failed, while the other was successful. The first was at Stepney, ten miles north of Bridgeport. According to previous announcement a meeting was to have been organized after the raising of the flag. No sooner was the flag hoisted, however, than the Union men made a rush for it, pulled it down, and tore it into shreds. A Union meeting was then organized, which passed a series of Union resolutions. Soon after the Farmer newspaper office, published in Bridgeport, was demolished, notwithstanding the efforts of prominent citizens to prevent it. The other flag-raising was at New Fairfield, where about four hundred persons were engaged in the enterprise. An attempt was made by about seventy Union men to pull the flag down, and a desperate fight ensued, in which two of the “peace” men were seriously injured.—(Doc. 6.)

—To-day a detachment of Col. Richardson’s Home Guards arrived at Jefferson City, Mo., from an expedition to Jamestown. This place is about twenty-three miles above Jefferson City. The soldiers left on Wednesday on board the steamer Iatan. They took no provisions with them, there being plenty of rebels in the vicinity they intended visiting, and were ordered to quarter themselves on the secessionists. At Sandy Hook they discovered eight mounted rebels on the bank, who, on seeing the steamer coming, fled. Ten men were immediately detached in pursuit of them, and, coming within sight of the rebels, fired. Two of them immediately dismounted and, leaving their horses, escaped into the woods— the horses and two fine double-barrel shot-guns were captured, and a lieutenant’s uniform fell also into the hands of the Nationals.

One of the horses had a sabre cut across the head, and the rider was known to have been engaged in the battle at Springfield. Meanwhile, the balance of the force were marched to Jamestown. About four miles from Sandy Hook they arrested two of the most noted secessionists in the whole State, George Jones and C. Hickox, besides seven other of lesser note. From the first-mentioned, who is a wealthy farmer, the troops took ten horses, and plenty of fodder and provisions from all the rebels in the vicinity. They returned with twenty horses and a considerable quantity of provisions and nine prisoners. One of the prisoners, put on a confession, divulged the names of all the men, eighteen in number, who fired the other day with such fatal effect upon the railroad trains. Jones was the President of the Knights of the Golden Circle. The property of the Union men was left untouched. —Dubuque Times, August 27.

—Hamilton E. Gamble, Governor of Missouri, at Jefferson City, issued a proclamation calling for forty-two thousand troops to aid the Federal Government in expelling the forces of Ben McCulloch from the State.—(Doc. 7.)

—The Memphis Argus of this day publishes the following proclamation from the Mayor of that city:

To the Citizens of Memphis: Applications hare repeatedly been made to me, as executive officer of the city, for protection against indiscreet parties who are sent out to impress citizens into service against their will on steamboats. Many of these men have been dragged from their beds, wives, and children, but never has there been a man taken who had on a clean skirt. I hereby notify any citizen who may wish a pass within the city of Memphis to call on me, and I will furnish the same, and will see he will be protected. One poor man being shot yesterday by one of these outlaws, as they may be called, causes me to give the above notice.

“John Park, Mayor.”

Friday, 23d—There is so much delay in completing the company that the boys are beginning to think there is no hope of getting our company full. Some of the boys are joining other companies. While waiting, those who wish may leave camp on passes. I got a pass to go home for two or three days.

Boston, August 23, 1861

I did n’t get your letter of the 5th until the steamer of the 21st was gone, so I telegraphed to Mr. Motley at Halifax, as I did n’t want to have you come blundering home under the impression that I had been ordered off, and now I will at once answer your letter. If you insist upon coming home and getting a commission, of course you are of age and no one can gainsay you. I don’t favor the idea myself for reasons which I will give you presently; but still if you insist I shall be glad to aid you and will do so. In this war some things are getting clear every day and one is that volunteers won’t do, and another that haste makes waste. If you insist on going, Ritchie advises that you should get a commission in the regular army and go into that. It will be cut down at the end of the war and meanwhile you’ll escape the curse, nuisance and danger of volunteers. If your mind is made up I will apply for you and you can doubtless get your commission and be ready for a winter campaign. Meanwhile you’ll gain nothing but blunders by rushing ahead so like the devil.

 

So much for that; and now allow me to state some considerations which should prevent your coming home at all. I have three in my mind, and first one relates to myself. I am trying, as well as I may, to do what strikes me as my first duty at home. It is very hard for me to stay here, and no one gives me credit for doing it for any cause save fear; but the truth is the Governor is abroad in the public service, and property was never so difficult of management as it now is. . .. Under these circumstances I concluded very reluctantly I ought to stay at home if I could, and I think you ‘ll agree I was right.

Have n’t I difficulties enough without your piling up new ones? If you insist on this step, I have no election but, at any sacrifice, must go too. The reason is obvious, for while I am single and robust and John remains at home, the world cannot go into these domestic questions, and your coming home in a hurry to get a commission, while I remained in Boston, would be regarded as a most decided implication on my courage. You can’t but see this, and as for your taking a commission under me, it’s bad enough to have a hundred men you don’t care for to look after; but when it comes to looking after a brother and having your attention taken up by what may be occurring to him, it would be intolerable. Besides I expect drafting will have to begin before long and then I have made up my mind to go, and if I go, I think the family in supplying two out of four to the public service does enough, and you ought to stay at home.

 

In the next place I think decidedly you ought to stay abroad and remain with your father and mother. No one knows what may happen in these days—a foreign war is possible, even an English war — and difficulties you do not now see may any day spring up, and for one I think most decidedly that while times are so troubled our father and mother have got to an age when they ought not to be deserted abroad by all of their children.

Finally, the most weighty consideration to my mind I reserve for the last. Of course you make this a question of usefulness and duty. You are not particularly well fitted for the army and your object, is to be of service to your country. As for distinction and all that sort of thing, when the whole country is rushing into the army it is hardly the place to look for a chance. Where can you be most useful in this emergency? The answer is to my mind too clear to admit of discussion. The rush for commissions is tremendous and you can only get one by shoving somebody equally capable with yourself aside, and you can really do no service, if you get one, which would not be equally well done if you were away. Where you now are you are useful to the whole country and, like a coward, you want to run home because our reverses make the post abroad into which fortune has thrown you very uncomfortable. You fight our battle in England and let us alone to fight it here. There are men enough here, but there your place, if you leave it, must remain empty.

You’ll say, you can’t do anything and have no opening. What could a second lieutenant in an infantry regiment do that would be so immense? Is that a prodigious opening? Go to work at once in England with all your energy and force your way into magazines and periodicals there and in America, so that you can make yourself heard. For there is going to be difficulty about this blockade and much bad feeling, though, God grant, no blows. For heaven’s sake try to influence that and don’t throw yourself away by rushing into this mob of bruisers. Try to raise people up a little. Look into the cotton supply question and try to persuade the English that our blockade is their interest. If they raise it and transfer it to our coasts, they have the power to do so, but they ally themselves with slavery — give it the victory, give the lie to their own protestations and secure to the South for years with the advantage of their system of labor and production that monopoly of cotton under which England groans. If the blockade lasts and forces supply, England will purchase, at the price of one year’s suffering, freedom and plenty for ever. Touch England through her pocket and help your country that way.

Then write to the Atlantic of the way fighting America appears in English eyes, of her boasting and bragging, her running and terror; tell us of the pain she causes her children abroad and how foolish her angry threats sound, and help your country that way. Here is your field, right before your nose, in which you could be of real service, and you want to rush away to do what neither education nor nature fitted you for — what others could do as well or better, and get your head knocked off without doing the least good. If you have any energy use it where you are and where it can be of value. If you have n’t any keep out of the army. Talk of backing the Governor up in the Times in these days! We’ve got beyond all that, I hope. For God’s sake take a broader view and make yourself heard where a voice is wanted. Don’t talk of your connection with the legation to me; cut yourself off if necessary from it and live in London as the avowed Times correspondent and force your way into notice of the London press that way. Wake up and look about you and make yourself useful and don’t jog on in this cart horse way, or brag over your harness and wish yourself a blood-horse, with McClellan, instead of a jackass who can’t break his traces. There, I have blown my blast and have done, and you can do as you see fit. Free from the legation you could earn a living by your pen in London and be independent, busy, happy and eminently useful. If you come home you won’t be of the slightest use to any one, and you will have deserted your post. Now if you want a commission let me know and I’ll do my best for you; but have nothing to say to Horace Sargent. He is n’t the man and I know him.’

 

We’ve had a bad panic, but it seems to be over now and I think they were wise in refusing the battle.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1861.

A fine bright day. Went to the Presidents at 1/2 past 8. Many members of the Cabinet there to see him and officers of the Army. I was not able to see him in private. Genl McClellan was there and Col Baker and Col Duryee and Genl J.W. Denver and other distinguished characters. Rcd letter from C R Taft today. Called at Willards, officers plenty there. N P Willis there and Doct Russell, the corrispondant of the “London Times.” Went down to see the dress Parade of the “Regulars” with Julia and Chas and Sallie.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

August 23rd.—The torrent is swollen to-day by anonymous letters threatening me with bowie knife and revolver, or simply abusive, frantic with hate, and full of obscure warnings. Some bear the Washington post-mark, others came from New York, the greater number—for I have had nine—are from Philadelphia. Perhaps they may come from the members of that “gallant” 4th Pennsylvania Regiment.

Post image for “Since I came here, I think I can tell a man’s calibre by his shoulder-straps. The amount of brain is generally in inverse proportion to the size of his straps.”–Journal of Surgeon Alfred L. Castleman.

23d.—Colonel _______ to-day complains that I have too much force employed in the hospital, and says that he will cut it down. The regulations allow ten nurses and two cooks to the regiment, besides Surgeons, and Hospital Steward. All I have, are three nurses and two cooks. Will he dare to cut that down? Should he do so I will “try conclusions” as to his authority to do it. Three nurses, for one hundred sick, and that must be cut down! Nor is this all. The Quartermaster, taking his cue from the Colonel, refuses to acknowledge our right to a hospital fund, and I therefore get but few comforts for the sick, except through charity or a fight for it. It is to be hoped that these officers will, by a little more experience, become better posted in their duties, and that the sick will not then be considered interlopers, or intruders on the comforts of the regiment. I forgot to say, in the proper place, that we are brigaded, forming a part of Gen. Rufus King’s brigade, composed of four regiments.

I have not yet donned the full uniform of my rank, and there is scarcely a day passes that I do not get a reproving hint on the subject from our Colonel. A few days ago, whilst in Baltimore, he came to me almost railing at certain army officers for appearing in citizens’ dress. “There,” said he, “is Major B., Major K., Gen. D., Doct. N. P., all of the regular army, and not one of whom can be distinguished from a private citizen.” “Colonel,” I replied, “they probably fear being mistaken for volunteer officers. He did not feel flattered, but dropped the subject. Since I came here, I think I can tell a man’s calibre by his shoulder-straps. The amount of brain is generally in inverse proportion to the size of his straps.

Friday 23.—Clear, bright day; mud and water in the road but a bracing air and blue sky overhead. Men marched with spirit. Lovely mountain views and clear mountain streams always in sight. Camped on the mountainside in the road; no tents pitched. Colonel and Dr. Joe slept in ambulance. I fixed up our cots under the blue canopy, near a roaring mountain stream, and with Adjutant Fisher watched the bright star near the Great Bear, perhaps one of that constellation, which I conjectured was Arcturus, until the moon came in sight. Slept in snatches and was refreshed.