Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Post image for The opposition women nurses endured.—Woolsey family letters, Georgeanna, writing in 1864 of the annoyances of those first days in 1861.

“No one knows, who did not watch the thing from the beginning, how much opposition, how much how much unfeeling want of thought, these women nurses endured. Hardly a surgeon whom I can think of, received or treated them with even common courtesy. Government had decided that women should be employed, and the army surgeons—unable, therefore, to close the hospitals against them—determined to make their lives so unbearable that they should be forced in self-defence to leave. It seemed a matter of cool calculation, just how much ill-mannered opposition would be requisite to break up the system.

Some of the bravest women I have ever known were among this first company of army nurses. They saw at once the position of affairs, the attitude assumed by the surgeons and the wall against which they were expected to break and scatter; and they set themselves to undermine the whole thing.

None of them were ‘strong-minded.’ Some of them were women of the truest refinement and culture; and day after day they quietly and patiently worked, doing, by order of the surgeon, things which not one of those gentlemen would have dared to ask of a woman whose male relative stood able and ready to defend her and report him. I have seen small white hands scrubbing floors, washing windows, and performing all menial offices. I have known women, delicately cared for at home, half fed in hospitals, hard worked day and night, and given, when sleep must be had, a wretched closet just large enough for a camp bed to stand in. I have known surgeons who purposely and ingeniously arranged these inconveniences with the avowed intention of driving away all women from their hospitals.

These annoyances could not have been endured by the nurses but for the knowledge that they were pioneers, who were, if possible, to gain standing ground for others,—who must create the position they wished to occupy. This, and the infinite satisfaction of seeing from day to day sick and dying men comforted in their weary and dark hours, comforted as they never would have been but for these brave women, was enough to carry them through all and even more than they endured.

At last, the wall against which they were to break, began to totter; the surgeons were most unwilling to see it fall, but the knowledge that the faithful, gentle care of the women-nurses had saved the lives of many of their patients, and that a small rate of mortality, or remarkable recoveries in their hospitals, reflected credit immediately upon themselves, decided them to give way, here and there, and to make only a show of resistance. They could not do without the women-nurses; they knew it, and the women knew that they knew it, and so there came to be a tacit understanding about it.

When the war began, among the many subjects on which our minds presented an entire blank was that sublime, unfathomed mystery ‘Professional Etiquette.’ Out of the army, in practice which calls itself ‘civil,’ the etiquette of the profession is a cold spectre, whose presence is felt everywhere, if not seen; but in the Medical Department of the Army, it was an absolute Bogie, which stood continually in one’s path, which showed its narrow, ugly face in camps and in hospitals, in offices and in wards; which put its cold paw on private benevolence, whenever benevolence was fool enough to permit it; which kept shirts from ragged men, and broth from hungry ones; an evil Regular Army Bogie, which in full knowledge of empty kitchens and exhausted ‘funds,’ quietly asserted that it had need of nothing, and politely bowed Philanthropy out into the cold.

All this I was profoundly ignorant of for the first few months of the war, and so innocently began my rounds with my little jelly pots and socks knit at home for the boys—when, suddenly, I met the Bogie;—and what a queer thing he was! It was a hot summer morning, not a breath of air coming in at the open windows—the hospital full of sick men, and the nurses all busy, so I sat by a soldier and fanned him through the long tedious hours. Poor man, he was dying, and so grateful to me, so afraid I should tire myself. I could have fanned him all day for the pleasure it was to help him, but the Bogie came in, and gave me a look of icy inquiry. My hand ought to have been paralysed at once, but somehow or other, it kept moving on with the fan in it, while I stupidly returned the Bogie’s stare.

Finding that I still lived, he quietly made his plan, left the room without saying a word, and in ten minutes afterward developed his tactics. He was a small Bogie—knowing what he wanted to do, but not quite brave enough to do it alone; so he got Miss Dix, who was on hand, to help him, and together, they brought all the weight of professional indignation to bear upon me. I ‘must leave immediately.’ Who was I, that I should bring myself and my presumptuous fan, without direct commission from the surgeon-general,’ into the hospital? ‘Not only must I leave at once, but I must never return.’

This was rather a blow, it must be confessed. The moment for action had arrived—I rapidly reviewed my position, notified myself that I was the Benevolent Public, and decided that the sick soldiers were, in some sort, the property of the B. P. Then I divulged my tactics. I informed the Bogies (how well that rhymes with Fogies) that I had ordered my carriage to return at such a hour, that the sun was hot, that I had no intention whatever of walking out in it, and that, in short, I had decided to remain. What there was in these simple facts, very quietly announced, to exorcise the demon, I am unable to say, but the gratifying result was that half an hour afterward Professional Etiquette made a most salutary repast off its own remarks; that I spent the remainder of the day where I was; that both the Bogies, singly, called the next morning to say—‘Please, sir, it wasn’t me, sir, —’twas the other boy, sir;’ and from that time the wards were all before me.”

Faifax Court House—The advance column of the National army occupied Fairfax Court House, Va., at eleven o’clock to-day, meeting with no opposition from the Confederates either on the march or in taking possession of the place. Trees had been felled across the road and preparations made at one point for a battery, but there were no guns or troops on the route. The Confederates were drawn up beyond the town and a battle was expected, but as the National forces pressed on they retreated. The cavalry followed them some miles toward Centreville, but the heat of the weather and the previous long march prevented the infantry following. The abandonment of the village by the Confederates was so sudden that they left behind them some portions of their provisions, intrenching tools, and camp furniture. The army advances in three columns, one on the Fairfax road, and the others to the north and south of the road. The advance will be continued to Centreville, eight miles beyond Fairfax, where the Confederates will probably make a stand if they design attempting to hold Manassas Junction. The only casualties reported by Gen McDowell are an officer and three men slightly wounded.—(Doc. 98.)

—The Sixth Regiment of Maine volunteers, commanded by Colonel Abner Knowles, left Portland for the seat of war. The regiment, which has been recruited mainly from the counties of Washington and Penobscot, consists mostly of stout, hardy lumbermen, already inured to hard work and apparently ready for more. Many of the privates measure six feet four. They are uniformed in a similar manner to the other Maine regiments. Each man has an extra fatigue uniform, consisting of gray pants and shirt, presented to them by various sewing societies. Surgeon-General Garcelon, of Maine, accompanies the regiment to Washington.—Boston Post, July 18.

—The following order relative to contraband negroes was issued from the army head-quarters in Washington:

Head-quarters Department of Washington,

Washington, D. C., July 17, 1861

mansfield_jkf

General Orders No. 33.

Fugitive slaves will, under no pretest whatever, be permitted to reside, or in any way be harbored in the quarters and camps of the troops serving in this department. Neither will such slaves be allowed to accompany troops on the march. Commanders of troops will be held responsible for a strict observance of the order.

By command of Brigadier-General Mansfield.

Theodore Talbot,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

—General Patterson’s entire command moved from Bunker Hill, Va., at an early hour this morning, but instead of moving directly towards Winchester it took the road for Charlestown, distant from Bunker Hill about eight miles, and laying at right angles with the Winchester road. The reason of this unexpected move is as follows: Winchester is defended on the north side by a strong breastwork, in the form of the letter V, having the town behind the angle. It cannot be attacked from that side without exposing the soldiers to a heavy and most destructive cross-fire. The side west of the town is defended by a palisade; but the east aide is only covered by a veil. On the east side there is also an eminence which commands the town. This eminence has been left unoccupied.—Baltimore American, July 18.

—The Twelfth Ohio Regiment, two companies of the Twenty-first Ohio and a battery of light artillery, attacked the rebels at a place called Scarytown, on the Kanawha River, Va., and were repulsed with a loss of thirty killed and wounded.—(Doc. 99.)

Post image for William Howard Russell’s Diary: The “State House” at Annapolis.—Washington.

July 19th. (probably 16th, based on sequence in book and events)—I baffled many curious and civil citizens by breakfasting in my room, where I remained writing till late in the day. In the afternoon I walked to the State House. The hall door was open, but the rooms were closed; and I remained in the hall, which is graced by two indifferent huge statues of Law and Justice holding gas lamps, and by an old rusty cannon, dug out of the river, and supposed to have belonged to the original British colonists, whilst an officer whom I met in the portico went to look for the porter and the keys. Whether he succeeded I cannot say, for after waiting some half hour I was warned by my watch that it was time to get ready for the train, which started at 4·15 P.M.. The country through which the single line of rail passes is very hilly, much wooded, little cultivated, cut up by water-courses and ravines. At the junction with the Washington line from Baltimore there is a strong guard thrown out from the camp near at hand. The officers, who had a mess in a little wayside inn on the line, invited me to rest till the train came up, and from them I heard that an advance had been actually ordered, and that if the “rebels” stood there would soon be a tall fight close to Washington. They were very cheery, hospitable fellows, and enjoyed their new mode of life amazingly. The men of the regiment to which they belonged were Germans, almost to a man. When the train came in I found it was full of soldiers, and I learned that three more heavy trains were to follow, in addition to four which had already passed laden with troops.

On arriving at the Washington platform, the first person I saw was General M’Dowell alone, looking anxiously into the carriages. He asked where I came from, and when he heard from Annapolis, inquired eagerly if I had seen two batteries of artillery— Barry’s and another—which he had ordered up, and was waiting for, but which had “gone astray.” I was surprised to find the General engaged on such duty, and took leave to say so. “Well, it is quite true, Mr. Russell; but I am obliged to look after them myself, as I have so small a staff, and they are all engaged out with my head-quarters. You are aware I have advanced? No! Well, you have just come in time, and I shall be happy, indeed, to take you with me. I have made arrangements for the correspondents of our papers to take the field under certain regulations, and I have suggested to them they should wear a white uniform, to indicate the purity of their character.” The General could hear nothing of his guns; his carriage was waiting, and I accepted his offer of a seat to my lodgings. Although he spoke confidently, he did not seem in good spirits. There was the greatest difficulty in finding out anything about the enemy. Beauregard was said to have advanced to Fairfax Court House, but he could not get any certain knowledge of the fact. “Can you not order a reconnaissance?” “Wait till you see the country. But even if it were as flat as Flanders, I have not an officer on whom I could depend for the work. They would fall into some trap, or bring on a general engagement when I did not seek it or desire it. I have no cavalry such as you work with in Europe.” I think he was not so much disposed to undervalue the Confederates as before, for he said they had selected a very strong position, and had made a regular levée en masse of the people of Virginia, as a proof of the energy and determination with which they were entering on the campaign.

As we parted the General gave me his photograph, and told me he expected to see me in a few days at his quarters, but that I would have plenty of time to get horses and servants, and such light equipage as I wanted, as there would be no engagement for several days. On arriving at my lodgings I sent to the livery stables to inquire after horses. None fit for the saddle to be had at any price. The sutlers, the cavalry, the mounted officers, had been purchasing up all the droves of horses which came to the markets. M’Dowell had barely extra mounts for his own use. And yet horses must be had; and, even provided with them, I must take the field without tent or servant, canteen or food—a waif to fortune.

TUESDAY 16

This has been quite an exciting day as the military has been moveing all day over the River. The RI Regts with Gov Sprague at the head left their camp and passed through the City and over the long Bridge about 2 o’clock. The 71st and the 2nd N.H.V. followed. The [Union?] Regt also rcd orders at noon and left in two hours for the same destination. I was at the L Bridge with A Tower and E A Dickinson when the four first Regts passed over. A guard only is now left at the camp of the 27th. Was there this evening.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

JULY 16TH. —The Secretary was back again this evening. He could not procure comfortable quarters in the country. He seemed vexed, but from what cause, I did not learn. The colonel, however, had rushed the appointments. He was determined to be quick, because Mr. W. was known to be slow and hesitating.

Post image for Mary Chesnut’s diary.—”As far as I can make out, Beauregard sent Mr. Chesnut to the President to gain permission for the forces of Joe Johnston and Beauregard to join, and, united, to push the enemy, if possible, over the Potomac…”

July 16th.—Dined to-day at the President’s table. Joe Davis, the nephew, asked me if I liked white port wine. I said I did not know; “all that I had ever known had been dark red.” So he poured me out a glass. I drank it, and it nearly burned up my mouth and throat. It was horrid, but I did not let him see how it annoyed me. I pretended to be glad that any one found me still young enough to play off a practical joke upon me. It was thirty years since I had thought of such a thing.

Met Colonel Baldwin in the drawing-room. He pointed significantly to his Confederate colonel’s buttons and gray coat. At the White Sulphur last summer he was a “Union man” to the last point. “How much have you changed besides your coat?” “I was always true to our country,” he said. “She leaves me no choice now.”

As far as I can make out, Beauregard sent Mr. Chesnut to the President to gain permission for the forces of Joe Johnston and Beauregard to join, and, united, to push the enemy, if possible, over the Potomac. Now every day we grow weaker and they stronger; so we had better give a telling blow at once. Already, we begin to cry out for more ammunition, and already the blockade is beginning to shut it all out.

A young Emory is here. His mother writes him to go back. Her Franklin blood certainly calls him with no uncertain sound to the Northern side, while his fatherland is wavering and undecided, split in half by factions. Mrs. Wigfall says he is half inclined to go. She wondered that he did not. With a father in the enemy’s army, he will always be “suspect” here, let the President and Mrs. Davis do for him what they will.

I did not know there was such a “bitter cry” left in me, but I wept my heart away to-day when my husband went off. Things do look so black. When he comes up here he rarely brings his body-servant, a negro man. Lawrence has charge of all Mr. Chesnut’s things—watch, clothes, and two or three hundred gold pieces that lie in the tray of his trunk. All these, papers, etc., he tells Lawrence to bring to me if anything happens to him. But I said: “Maybe he will pack off to the Yankees and freedom with all that.” “Fiddlesticks! He is not going to leave me for anybody else. After all, what can he ever be, better than he is now—a gentleman’s gentleman?” “He is within sound of the enemy’s guns, and when he gets to the other army he is free.” Maria said of Mr. Preston’s man: “What he want with anything more, ef he was free? Don’t he live just as well as Mars John do now?”

Mrs. McLane, Mrs. Joe Johnston, Mrs. Wigall, all came. I am sure so many clever women could divert a soul in extremis. The Hampton Legion all in a snarl—about, I forget what; standing on their dignity, I suppose. I have come to detest a man who says, “My own personal dignity and self-respect require.” I long to cry, “No need to respect yourself until you can make other people do it.”

Post image for A Diary of American Events – July 16, 1861

July 16.—The Union troops in Missouri had a fight with the rebels to-day, at a point called Millsville, on the North Missouri Railroad. The Union troops, consisting of eight hundred men, were fired into at that point, as they came up in a train of cars, and an engagement at once ensued. The number of the rebels is not known, but seven of their number were killed and several taken prisoners.—N. Y. Herald, July 18.

—The Third Massachusetts Regiment sails from Fortress Monroe for Boston this evening in the steamer Cambridge. They were reviewed by General Butler to-day.—The Sixth Massachusetts Regiment follows to-morrow.—Col. Max Leber’s and Col. Baker’s Regiments were to occupy Hampton, but the plan has been somewhat changed.—Brigadier-General Pierce returns with the Massachusetts Regiments.—Col. Duryea will be acting Brigadier General in Hampton.—Several companies went out from Newport News last night to surprise, if possible, a body of light horse, which have for some time hovered in the vicinity.—National Intelligencer, July 18.

—In the House of Representatives at Washington, the Committee on Commerce, in response to a resolution directing inquiry as to what measures are necessary to suppress privateering, and render the blockade of the rebel ports more effectual, reported a bill authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to hire, purchase, or contract for such vessels as may be necessary for a temporary increase of the navy, the vessels to be furnished with such ordnance, stores, and munitions of war as will enable them to render the most efficient service. According to the orders issued to their respective commands, the temporary appointments made of acting lieutenants, acting paymasters, acting surgeons, masters and masters’ mates, and the rates of pay for these officers heretofore designed, are, by this bill, legalized and approved.

For the purpose of carrying this act into effect to suppress piracy and render the blockade more effectual, three millions of dollars are appropriated. The bill was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.—A bill, authorizing the President to call out the militia to suppress rebellion, was passed unanimously.—The bill, authorizing the President to accept the services of five hundred thousand volunteers, was also passed.—The Senate’s amendments to the Loan bill were all concurred in.—A joint resolution, conveying the thanks of Congress to Major General George B. McClellan and the officers and soldiers under his command, for the recent brilliant victories over the rebels in Western Virginia, was unanimously adopted.

—Lieut. W. H. Free, of the Seventh Ohio Regiment, from a company enlisted in Perry County, Ohio, arrived at Columbus in that State with four Secessionists. Free, with twenty-five men, was conducting a transportation train from Ravenswood, Virginia, to Parkersburg. On Sunday last, he stopped at a farm-house to bait the horses. He immediately found that the women of the house sympathized with Secession. The farmer was absent. Thinking he might learn some facts of importance, ho assured the women that he was an officer from Wise’s brigade. At first they distrusted him, but at length gave him their confidence, and treated him very kindly. He learned that the farmer would be at home at night. About ten o’clock he came. Free soon gained his confidence, and was told that a meeting had been arranged at a neighboring house for the purpose of planning an attack upon Union men. Free pretending to need a guide to show him the way to Wise’s camp, the farmer, named Fred. Kizer, sent for some of his neighbors. Three of them came, one of whom was recommended as a guide. Free became satisfied from their conversation that they intended harm to Coleman and Smith, Union men, who had been influential, and at a concerted signal called his men around him, and declared himself an officer of the United States army. Instantly Kizer and his rebel friends were seized. The Lieutenant immediately ordered a march, and the next morning delivered his prisoners to Captain Stinchcomb, at Parkersburg, who sent him with three guards to Columbus. The names of the prisoners are Frederick Kizer, David H. Young, John W. Wigal, and John H. Lockwood.—Cincinnati Gazette, July 17.

 

—In the Senate of the United States, John 0. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, in an elaborate speech, opposed the resolution approving the acts of the President in suppressing the Southern rebellion. He rehearsed the old arguments against the right of the Government to put down rebellion, and in the course of his remarks, took occasion to deny positively that he had ever telegraphed to Jeff. Davis that President Lincoln’s Congress would not be allowed to meet in Washington on the 4th of July, or that Kentucky would furnish 7,000 armed men for the rebel army.—(Doc. 94.)

—It is doubtful, says the National Intelligencer of this date, whether, since the days of Peter the Hermit, the world has seen such an uprising, at the bidding of a sentiment, as this country has exhibited in the last ninety days. Perhaps the magnitude of the effort is best appreciated by observing what has been done by single States of the Confederacy. And to illustrate this, we need not even adduce the exertions of sovereignties dating back to Revolutionary days, as New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. Younger members of the Confederacy, States that half a century since had no existence, contribute singly no inconsiderable army to the assembling forces of the Union. Let us instance one of these, which recent events in Western Virginia have brought favorably and prominently forward—Indiana, forty-five years ago a frontier Territory, where the red man still contended with the white pioneer. Indiana has equipped, and is equipping for the General Government, a force such as has decided ere now the fate of a nation—twenty-three regiments, a volunteer army of more than twenty thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry; and these she has not only uniformed and accoutred, but partially armed with the improved rifle of the day, meanwhile at her own expense.

This is no isolated example. Others have done as well. If the power of a sentiment is to be estimated by the deeds it prompts, how strong must be the love of the Union in the hearts of its citizens!

—The Federal army in Virginia to-day took up the line of march for Fairfax and Manassas. The force standing to-day is fully 60,000 strong, the number reaching by actual count about 68,000. These are about 3,000 regular infantry, cavalry, and artillery, and 50,000 volunteers. The two Rhode Island, the 71st New York, and the 2d New Hampshire, comprising Colonel Burnside’s brigade, left Washington at 4 o’clock this afternoon, and struck the road for Fairfax Court House. The 27th New York went over at 6 o’clock, and also took the Fairfax route. As soon as these regiments came together and passed the encampment, the soldiers cheered lustily and shouted congratulations to each other that they were fairly on the road to the rebel capital. The Dekalb Regiment passed over the bridge and went into Camp Runyon.—(Doc. 97.)

Post image for “Who wouldn’t be a nuss”—Woolsey family letters, Harriet Roosevelt Woolsey to Georgeanna and Eliza.

New York, Monday, July 15, 1861.

My dear Girls: I might as well give you the benefit of a scrawl just to thank you for the big yellow envelope in Georgy’s handwriting lying on the library table by me. It has just come and I think you are two of the luckiest fellows living to be where you are, down in the very thick of it all, with war secrets going on in the next tent and telegraph-wires twitching with important dispatches just outside of your door. “Who wouldn’t be a nuss” under such circumstances? or would you prefer staying at home to arrange flowers, entertain P. in the evenings, devise a trimming for the dress Gonden is making for you, and go off into the country to fold your hands and do nothing? I tell you, Georgy, you are a happy creature and ought to be thankful. Jane and Abby have been in Astoria all the week. It was a triumph of ours to make Abby loosen her hold of those abominable old women of the widow’s society. She won’t get back to them for some time either. . . . Mother and I went up to Northampton, Mass., one evening last week to look up summer quarters. We went via New Haven by the 11 o’clock boat. Charley saw us on board and we got to bed about twelve. Quite a good night for a boat. Mother says she slept well, and was prime for a walk over to the depot before breakfast the next morning. She is certainly made of more enduring material than the rest of us, and, after getting through our business, wanted to come back in the express train at 5.30 that evening. Mr. Frank Bond and Mr. Thomas Denny spent the other evening here. F. B. is going on to Washington very soon, and is to be with General Tyler, something or other to him, and charged me when I wrote to let you know he was coming, and renewed his invitation to you to accompany them into Virginia as chief surgeon!

Mary has cut Bertha’s hair square across her forehead, which makes her look more sinful and unregenerate than ever. Polly has had her’s cut, and is more comfortable. Did Robert mention the box of old wine for General Scott, from Uncle E.? Think how glorious a part to take—propping up the government with rare old wine from one’s own cellar.”

MONDAY, JULY 15, 1861.

Nothing in particular has occured today, excepting the arrival of a number of Regts from the North and the passage of a number over the River into Virginia. Crowds visit the patent office every day. The City is very full now of strangers as well as soldiers. The latter are mostly in Camp back of the City. Saw the “Union” Regt practice firing at target this afternoon. Was at the Camp with the officers of the Lyons Co. Am home this evening. Their Regt is expecting orders to march.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

July 15th.—I need not speak much of the events of last night, which were not unimportant, perhaps, to some of the insects which played a leading part in them. The heat was literally overpowering; for in addition to the hot night there was the full power of most irritable boilers close at hand to aggravate the natural dèsagrémens of the situation. About an hour after dawn, when I turned out on deck, there was nothing visible but a warm grey mist; but a knotty old pilot on deck told me we were only going six knots an hour against tide and wind, and that we were likely to make less way as the day wore on. In fact, instead of being near Baltimore, we were much nearer Fortress Monroe. Need I repeat the horrors of this day? Stewed, boiled, baked, and grilled on board this miserable Elizabeth, I wished M. Montalembert could have experienced with me what such an impassive nature could inflict in misery on those around it. The captain was a shy, silent man, much given to short naps in my temporary berth, and the mate was so wild, he might have swam off with perfect propriety to the woods on either side of us, and taken to a tree as an aborigen or chimpanzee. Two men of most retiring habits, the negro, a black boy, and a very fat negress who officiated as cook, filled up the “balance” of the crew.

I could not write, for the vibration of the deck of the little craft gave a St. Vitus dance to pen and pencil; reading was out of the question from the heat and flies; and below stairs the fat cook banished repose by vapours from her dreadful caldrons, where, Medealike, she was boiling some death broth. Our breakfast was of the simplest and—may I add?—the least enticing; and if the dinner could have been worse it was so; though it was rendered attractive by hunger, and by the kindness of the sailors who shared it with me. The old pilot had a most wholesome hatred of the Britishers, and not having the least idea till late in the day that I belonged to the old country, favoured me with some very remarkable views respecting their general mischievousness and inutility. As soon as he found out my secret he became more reserved, and explained to me that he had some reason for not liking us, because all he had in the world, as pretty a schooner as ever floated and a fine cargo, had been taken and burnt by the English when they sailed up the Potomac to Washington. He served against us at Bladensburg. I did not ask him how fast he ran; but he had a good rejoinder ready if I had done so, inasmuch as he was up West under Commodore Perry on the lakes when we suffered our most serious reverses. Six knots an hour! hour after hour! And nothing to do but to listen to the pilot.

On both sides a line of forest just visible above the low shores. Small coasting craft, schooners, pungys, boats laden with wood creeping along in the shallow water, or plying down empty before wind and tide.

“I doubt if we’ll be able to catch up them forts afore night,” said the skipper. The pilot grunted, “I rather think yu’ll not.” “H____ and thunder! Then we’ll have to lie off till daylight?” “They may let you pass, Captain Squires, as you’ve this Europe-an on board, but anyhow we can’t fetch Baltimore till late at night or early in the morning.”

I heard the dialogue, and decided very quickly that as Annapolis lay somewhere ahead on our left, and was much nearer than Baltimore, it would be best to run for it while there was daylight. The captain demurred. He had been ordered to take his vessel to Baltimore, and General Butler might come down on him for not doing so; but I proposed to sign a letter stating he had gone to Annapolis at my request, and the steamer was put a point or two to westward, much to the pleasure of the Palinurus, whose “old woman” lived in the town. I had an affection for this weather-beaten, watery-eyed, honest old fellow, who hated us as cordially as Jack detested his Frenchman in the old days before ententes cordiales were known to the world. He was thoroughly English in his belief that he belonged to the only sailor race in the world, and that they could beat all mankind in seamanship; and he spoke in the most unaffected way of the Britishers as a survivor of the old war might do of Johnny Crapaud—”They were brave enough no doubt, but, Lord bless you, see them in a gale of wind! or look at them sending down top-gallant masts, or anything sailor-like in a breeze. You’d soon see the differ. And, besides, they never can stand again us at close quarters.” By-and-by the houses of a considerable town, crowned by steeples, and a large Corinthian-looking building, came in view. “That’s the State House. That’s where George Washington—first in peace, first in war, and first in the hearts of his countrymen—laid down his victorious sword without any one asking him, and retired amid the applause of the civilized world.” This flight I am sure was the old man’s treasured relic of school-boy days, and I’m not sure he did not give it to me three times over. Annapolis looks very well from the river side. The approach is guarded by some very poor earthworks and one small fort. A dismantled sloop of war lay off a sea wall, banking up a green lawn covered with trees, in front of an old-fashioned pile of buildings, which formerly, I think, and very recently indeed, was occupied by the cadets of the United States Naval School. “There was a lot of them Seceders. Lord bless you! these young ones is all took by these States Rights’ doctrines—just as the ladies is caught by a new fashion.”

About seven o’clock the steamer hove alongside a wooden pier which was quite deserted. Only some ten or twelve sailing boats, yachts, and schooners lay at anchor in the placid waters of the port which was once the capital of Maryland, and for which the early Republicans prophesied a great future. But Baltimore has eclipsed Annapolis into utter obscurity. I walked to the only hotel in the place, and found that the train for the junction with Washington had started, and that the next train left at some impossible hour in the morning. It is an odd Rip Van Winkle sort of a place. Quaint-looking boarders came down to the tea-table and talked Secession, and when I was detected, as must ever soon be the case, owing to the hotel book, I was treated to some ill-favoured glances, as my recent letters have been denounced in the strongest way for their supposed hostility to States Rights and the Domestic Institution. The spirit of the people has, however, been broken by the Federal occupation, and by the decision with which Butler acted when he came down here with the troops to open communications with Washington after the Baltimoreans had attacked the soldiery on their way through the city from the north.