Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Post image for A Diary of American Events – June 5, 1861

—A demand was served upon Messrs. Daniel J. Foley & Bros., Baltimore, by Mr. Bonifant, the United States Marshal, under instructions from Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, calling for the immediate delivery into the possession of the Marshal of all the powder of the Hazard Powder Company, Connecticut, stored in the powder-house of the company at Lower Canton. The amount of the powder on hand was about 8,500 kegs, or 60,000 pounds, valued at $16,000. The agents turned the powder over to the Marshal, who took an inventory of the same. A similar demand, from the same source, was made upon Messrs. A. L Webb & Bro., Baltimore, agents for the Messrs. Dupont’s powder works, Delaware. The demand was complied with, and the powder on hand, a small amount, turned over into the possession of the United States. —Baltimore Sun, June 6.

—General Beauregard issued a proclamation from Manassas Junction, giving an extravagant picture of the deplorable consequences to be expected from an invasion of the Federal forces.—(Doc. 234.)

—At Williamsport a Baltimorean, named Dewitt C. Rench, swore he could whip the whole Union force, and that he had killed at least one man in the attack upon the Massachusetts Regiment in Baltimore. His friends tried to get him away and put him on a horse, when he drew a revolver and fired two shots at individuals and three into the crowd. Three shots were returned, all taking effect, killing him instantly.—Philadelphia Ledger, June 7.

—Throughout all the counties of Virginia, within forty or fifty miles of Harper’s Ferry, a levy of militia is being now made by draft. All the men between eighteen and fifty years of age, not physically incapable of doing military duty, are enlisted, and three-tenths of the whole are to be mustered into the field. The names are placed in one box, and as many numbers—from one to ten (repeated)—are placed in another box. When a name is drawn forth a number is also drawn; and if it be either No. 1, 2, or 3, the person is “elected” a soldier into the disunion army. Otherwise he escapes immediate service.—Washington Star, June 6.

—Ninth Regiment N. Y. V., Colonel Hawkins; left New York for Fortress Monroe. —(Doc. 235.)

—The Richmond (Va.) Whig of to-day announces that after to-day no passports will be issued to persons leaving the State, and no one will be admitted to the State except for reasons of peculiar force; also, that the Tennessee volunteers in Virginia are authorized to vote on the ordinance of the secession of Tennessee, although stationed in Virginia.

—A Bank Convention, held at Atlanta, Ga., recommended that all the Southern banks, railroads, and tax collectors, receive the Treasury notes of the Confederacy as currency, and both States, cities, and corporations having coupons payable at New York, to appoint the place of payment South.—N. Y. Herald, June 10.

—About eight o’clock this morning the steamer Harriet Lane, under the command of Capt. Faunce, United States Navy, proceeded up the James River, from Fortress Monroe, as far as the month of the Nasemond, for the purpose of reconnoitring and looking out for batteries. It was not long before she observed a large and heavy battery planted upon the point, which is nearly opposite Newport News Point, and about five miles distant. The steamer opened fire, which was briskly returned by the batteries, and for nearly a half hour the action continued. It was found that but one gun of the steamer could reach the battery, the guns of which being heavier easily reached the former, and several shot struck her. During the affair the most intense excitement prevailed, and hundreds of soldiers ascended the ramparts and roof of the Hygeia Hotel, for the purpose of looking at the scene. The Lane returned in an hour after the action, and made an official report to Com. Pendergrast of the squadron. Lieut. Duncan, of the Harriet Lane, states that the fight was pretty hot. The steamer threw several shells into the battery with much accuracy. The battery was well served, the damage to the cutter having been inflicted with a 84-pounder rifled cannon. It was at first thought that no battery existed at the place where the fight occurred, and the Harriet Lane was sent to ascertain if the report was true. Elbe found out that one did exist, and that seven guns were mounted upon it, and hence the attempt made to dislodge them.—National Intelligencer, June 8.

—A letter from Cassius M. Clay to the London Times, in relation to the civil war in America, is published in the United States. Mr. Clay says that the rebellion can be subdued, but that it is not the intention of the U. S. Government to subjugate the Southern States; that only rebels will be punished; that it is the interest of England to support the Government; and that it is unwise for England to venture to sow seeds of discord, for she is far from secure from home revolution or foreign attack in the future. In conclusion Mr. Clay claims that England is the natural ally of the United States.—(Doc. 236.)

—The people of Wheeling, Va., were greatly astounded upon learning that Major A. Loring had been arrested by United States officers. He was taken to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot, where he remained until 7 o’clock, when the train left for Grafton. Major Loring’s arrest was occasioned by certain papers found upon the person of W. J. Willey, who was captured after the skirmish at Phillippa, and who charged with leading the party who destroyed the bridges on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, between Wheeling and Grafton.—(Doc. 237.)

—The U. S. Marshal took possession of the gun factory of Messrs. Merrill & Thomas, in Baltimore, and seized all the breech-loading muskets in the establishment. Intimation was given that ample employment would soon be given to the establishment in the manufacture, of arms for the Government.—N. Y. Express, June 5.

(June 4th – The following material is from the diary entry of June 3d, which actually appears to have covered two days. This blog entry covers the second day.)

At six A.M., Moise came to ask me if I should like a glass of absinthe, or anything stomachic. At breakfast was Doctor Laporte, formerly a member of the Legislative Assembly of France, who was exiled by Louis Napoleon; in other words, he was ordered to give in his adhesion to the new régime, or to take a passport for abroad. He preferred the latter course, and now, true Frenchman, finding the Emperor has aggrandized France and added to her military reputation, he admires the man on whom but a few years ago he lavished the bitterest hate.

The carriage is ready, and the word farewell is spoken at last. M. Alfred Roman, my companion, has travelled in Europe, and learned philosophy; is not so orthodox as many of the gentlemen I have met who indulge in ingenious hypotheses to comfort the consciences of the anthropo-proprietors. The negro skull won’t hold as many ounces of shot as the white man’s. Potent proof that the white man has a right to sell and to own the creature! He is plantigrade, and curved as to the tibia! Cogent demonstration that he was made expressly to work for the arch-footed, straight-tibiaed Caucasian. He has a rete mucosum and a coloured pigment! Surely he cannot have a soul of the same color as that of an Italian or a Spaniard, far less of a flaxen-haired Saxon! See these peculiarities in the frontal sinus —in sinciput or occiput! Can you doubt that the being with a head of that shape was made only to till, hoe, and dig for another race? Besides, the Bible says that he is a son of Ham, and prophecy must be carried out in the rice-swamps, sugar-canes, and maize-fields of the Southern Confederation. It is flat blasphemy to set yourself against it. Our Saviour sanctions slavery because he does not say a word against it, and it is very likely that St. Paul was a slave-owner. Had cotton and sugar been known, the apostle might have been a planter! Furthermore, the negro is civilized by being carried away from Africa and set to work, instead of idling in native inutility. What hope is there of Christianizing the African races, except by the agency of the apostles from New Orleans, Mobile, or Charleston, who sing the sweet songs of Zion with such vehemence, and clamor so fervently for baptism in the waters of the “Jawdam?”

If these high physical, metaphysical, moral and religious reasonings do not satisfy you, and you are bold enough to venture still to be unconvinced and to say so, then I advise you not to come within reach of a mass meeting of our citizens, who may be able to find a rope and a tree in the neighborhood.

As we jog along in an easy rolling carriage drawn by a pair of stout horses, a number of white people meet us coming from the Catholic chapel of the parish, where they had been attending the service for the repose of the soul of a lady much beloved in the neighborhood. The black people must be supposed to have very happy souls, or to be as utterly lost as Mr. Shandy’s homunculus was under certain circumstances, for I have failed to find that any such services are ever considered necessary in their case, although they may have been very good—or, where the service would be most desirable—very bad Catholics. The dead, leaden uniformity of the scenery forced one to converse, in order to escape profound melancholy: the levee on the right hand, above which nothing was visible but the sky; on the left plantations with cypress fences, whitewashed and pointed wooden gates leading to the planters’ houses, and rugged gardens surrounded with shrubs, through which could be seen the slave quarters. Men making eighty or ninety hogsheads of sugar in a year lived in most wretched tumble-down wooden houses not much larger than ox sheds.

As we drove on the storm gathered overhead, and the rain fell in torrents—the Mississippi flowed lifelessly by—not a boat on its broad surface.

At last we reached Governor Manning’s place, and went to the house of the overseer, a large heavy-eyed old man.

“This rain will do good to the corn,” said the overseer. “The niggers has had sceerce nothin’ to do leetly, as they ‘eve clearied out the fields pretty well.”

At the ferry-house I was attended by one stout young slave, who was to row me over. Two flat-bottomed skiffs lay on the bank. The negro groped under the shed, and pulled out a piece of wood like a large spatula, some four feet long, and a small round pole a little longer. “What are those?” quoth I. “Dem’s oars, Massa,” was my sable ferryman’s brisk reply. “I’m very sure they are not; if they were spliced they might make an oar between them.” “Golly, and dat’s the trute, Massa.” “Then go and get oars, will you ? ” While he was hunting about we entered the shed at the ferry for shelter from the rain. “We found “a solitary woman sitting” smoking a pipe by the ashes on the hearth, blear-eyed, low-browed and morose —young as she was. She never said a word nor moved as we came in, sat and smoked, and looked through her gummy eyes at chickens about the size of sparrows, and at a cat not larger than a rat which ran about on the dirty floor. A little girl, some four years of age, not overdressed—indeed, half-naked, “not to put too fine a point upon it”—crawled out from under the bed, where she had hid on our approach. As she seemed incapable of appreciating the use of a small piece of silver presented to her—having no precise ideas in coinage or toffy—her parent took the obolus in charge, with unmistakable decision; but still the lady would not stir a step to aid our guide, who now insisted on the “key ov de oar-house.” The little thing sidled off and hunted it out from the top of the bedstead, and when it was found, and the boat was ready, I was not sorry to quit the company of the silent woman in black. The boatman pushed his skiff, in shape a snuffer-dish, some ten feet long and a foot deep, into the water—there was a good deal of rain in it. I got in too, and the conscious waters immediately began vigorously spurting through the cotton wadding wherewith the craft was caulked. Had we gone out into the stream we should have had a swim for it, and they do say that the Mississippi is the most dangerous river in the known world, for that healthful exercise. “Why! deuce take you” (I said at least that, in my wrath), “don’t you see the boat is leaky?” “See it now for true, Massa. Nobody able to tell dat till Massa get in though.” Another skiff proved to be more staunch. I bade good-bye to my friend Roman, and sat down in my boat, which was forced by the negro against the stream close to the bank, in order to get a good start across to the other side. The view from my lonely position was curious, but not at all picturesque. The world was bounded on both sides by a high bank, which constricted the broad river, just as if one were sailing down an open sewer of enormous length and breadth. Above the bank rose the tops of tall trees and the chimneys of sugar-houses, and that was all to be seen save the sky.

A quarter of an hour brought us to the levee on the other side. I ascended the bank, and across the road, directly in front appeared a carriage gateway and wickets of wood, painted white, in a line of park palings of the same material, which extended up and down the road far as the eye could see, and guarded wide-spread fields of maize and sugar-cane. An avenue lined with trees, with branches close set, drooping and overarching a walk paved with red brick, led to the house, the porch of which was visible at the extremity of the lawn, with clustering flowers, rose, jasmine, and creepers clinging to the pillars supporting the verandah. The view from the belvedere on the roof was one of the most striking of its kind in the world.

If an English agriculturist could see six thousand acres of the finest land in one field, unbroken by hedge or boundary, and covered with the most magnificent crops of tasselling Indian corn and sprouting sugar-cane, as level as a billiard-table, he would surely doubt his senses. But here is literally such a sight—six thousand acres, better tilled than the finest patch in all the Lothians, green as Meath pastures, which can be turned up for a hundred years to come without requiring manure, of depth practically unlimited, and yielding an average profit on what is sold off it of at least £20 an acre, at the old prices and usual yield of sugar. Rising up in the midst of the verdure are the white lines of the negro cottages and the plantation offices and sugarhouses, which look like large public edifices in the distance. My host was not ostentatiously proud in telling me that, in the year 1857, he had purchased this estate for £300,000 and an adjacent property, of 8000 acres, for £150,000, and that he had left Belfast in early youth, poor and unfriended, to seek his fortune, and indeed scarcely knowing what fortune meant, in the New World. In fact, he had invested in these purchases the greater part, but not all, of the profits arising from the business in New Orleans, which he inherited from his master; of which there still remained a solid nucleus in the shape of a great woollen magazine and country house. He is not yet fifty years of age, and his confidence in the great future of sugar induced him to embark this enormous fortune in an estate which the blockade has stricken with paralysis.

I cannot doubt, however, that he regrets he did not invest his money in a certain great estate in the North of Ireland, which he had nearly decided on buying; and, had he done so, he would now be in the position to which his unaffected good sense, modesty, kindliness, and benevolence, always adding the rental, entitle him. Six thousand acres on this one estate all covered with sugar-cane, and 16,000 acres more of Indian corn, to feed the slaves;—these were great possessions, but not less than 18,000 acres still remained, covered with brake and forest and swampy, to be reclaimed and turned into gold. As easy to persuade the owner of such wealth that slavery is indefensible as to have convinced the Norman baron that the Saxon churl who tilled his lands ought to be his equal.

I found Mr. Ward and a few merchants from New Orleans in possession of the bachelor’s house. The service was performed by slaves, and the order and regularity of the attendants were worthy of a well-regulated English mansion. In Southern houses along the coast, as the Mississippi above New Orleans is termed, beef and mutton are rarely met with, and the more seldom the better. Fish, also, is scarce, but turkeys, geese, poultry, and preparations of pig, excellent vegetables, and wine of the best quality, render the absence of the accustomed dishes little to be regretted.

The silence which struck me at Governor Roman’s is not broken at Mr. Burnside’s; and when the last thrill of the mocking-bird’s song has died out through the grove, a stillness of Avernian profundity settles on hut, field, and river.

TUESDAY 4

Cooler today with some rain. In the office nearly alone all day. The Highland Regt arrived early this morning (2 or 3 o’clock). They march through the Ave playing the “The Campbells are Coming.” They have a fine Band of music. No particular demonstration has yet taken place on the other side of the River, but there are frequent alarms over there and some of the Regts are called out sometimes twice in a night. They all sleep on their Arms. I was at Willards, some 250 Govt cavalry horses were driven by.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

Post image for “I employed myself writing certain articles for the press.”—John B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk’s Dairy.

JUNE 4TH.—The Secretary is still sick. Having nothing better to do, and seeing that eight-tenths of the letters received are merely applications for commissions in the regular army—an organization without men—and none being granted from civil life, I employed myself writing certain articles for the press, hoping by this means to relieve the Secretary of the useless and painful labor of dictating negative replies to numberless communications. This had the sanction of both the President and the Secretary, and produced, in some measure, the desired relief.

Post image for A Diary of American Events – June 4, 1861

—The Memphis Bulletin of to-day contains the following: “Persons having slaves at home, whose services can be dispensed with for the next ten or fifteen days, would do a great kindness to the volunteers at Randolph, by sending negro men to that point. The volunteers should be drilled, and the fortifications, on which they have labored so long and faith should be finished by negroes.”

—A man named Fletcher, living in Columbia township, Randolph County, Ark., divulged last week a plot to the citizens which he had discovered among the negroes in that vicinity. The plot contemplated the murder of several citizens who they supposed had money, and then making their way to the free States. An investigation led to the development of the fact that certain negroes had proposed to give Fletcher $20 each to take them to a free State, announcing that their plan contemplated the murder of citizens, the possession of their means, and their final escape to the North. The negroes implicated by Fletcher, twenty in number, were arrested. A white man named Percifield, found guilty of being an instigator in the affair, was hung, as was also Fletcher, who was connected with Percifield.—Memphis (Tenn.) Avalanche, June 5.

—Elias Howe, Jr., of New York, the sewing machine millionaire, presented each field and staff officer of the Massachusetts Fifth Regiment, at the seat of war, with a stallion fully equipped for service.—N. Y. Express.

—The Tenth Regiment N. Y. Volunteers, National Zouaves, Colonel McChesney, left their encampment at Sandy Hook for Fortress Monroe. Previous to their departure they paraded through the city of New York, where they received a flag.—N. Y. Sun, June 5.

—The Savannah Republican of to-day has the following: “Notice to the Press.—We are requested by the military authorities of the Confederate States to urge upon our brethren of the press throughout the South the importance of abstaining from all specific allusions to the movement of troops. The very wisest plans of the Government may be thwarted by an untimely or otherwise injudicious exposure.”

A directly opposite policy appears to prevail at the North. Not only is every movement of the Federal troops Heralded abroad with lightning speed for the “sensation press,” but it would seem as if the news-gatherers have access to the records of the Departments, so as to enable them to proclaim in advance every plan and purpose of the Government, whether great or small.—National Intelligencer, June 18.

—Noah L. Farnham, late Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Fire Zouaves of New York, was appointed Colonel of that Regiment, in place of the late Colonel Ellsworth.—N. Y. World, June 5.

—Judge Taney’s written opinion in the habeas corpus case of Merriman, was published in the Washington National Intelligencer of this date. It is simply a protest against the suspension of the writ by the President of the United States. The Judge argues that Congress alone has the legal authority to suspend this privilege, and that the President cannot “in any emergency, or in any state of things,” authorize its suspension.

—Ten Regiments of foot, with Doubleday’s, Dodge’s, and Seymour’s batteries of flying artillery and five hundred dragoons, were in camp around Chambersburg, Pa.—Thirty-two men arrived at Williamsport, Md., from Berkley Co., Va., whence they had fled to avoid impressment into the rebel army.—A new Collector was appointed for Louisville, Kentucky, with orders to prohibit the shipment South of provisions, via that port.—N. Y. Herald, June 5.

—A proclamation dated Fort Smith, Arkansas, and signed “W. F. Rector, Asst. Adjutant-General,” says, “the authority of the United States has ceased upon this frontier.”—(Doc. 232.)

—The Natchez (Miss.) Courier of this day has the following: “A wise and salutary law was passed by the Confederate Congress, before its adjournment, prohibiting, during the existence of the blockade of any of the Southern ports by the United States Government, the exportation of any raw cotton or cotton yarn except through the seaports of the Confederate States. The penalty for a violation of the law is the forfeiture of the cotton or yarn so at empted to be exported, as also fine or imprisonment for the person violating it. Every steamboat or railroad car, used with the consent of the person owning or in charge of it for the purpose of violating the act, is also forfeited. This law completely blocks the Lincoln scheme. The Administration’s idea was, that if Southern ports were blockaded, the cotton would go by inland routes to Northern seaports for exportation. Great Britain and France will now have to go without cotton, or else raise the Lincoln blockade.”—(See Doc. p. 292.)

—Major-General Price (rebel) of Missouri, issued a proclamation “to prevent all misunderstanding of his opinions and intentions,” and expressed the desire “that the people of Missouri should exercise the right to choose their own position” in the contest.—(Doc. 233.)

Post image for William Howard Russell’s Diary: Ride through the maize-fields.—Sugar plantation; negroes at work.— Use of the lash.—Feeling towards France.—Silence of the country.— Negroes and dogs.

June 3rd. At five o’clock this morning, having been awakened an hour earlier by a wonderful chorus of riotous mocking-birds, my old negro attendant brought in my bath of Mississippi water, which, Nile like, casts down a strong deposit, and becomes as clear, if not so sweet, after standing. “Le seigneur vous attend;” and already I saw, outside my window, the Governor mounted on a stout cob, and a nice chestnut horse waiting, led by a slave. Early as it was, the sun felt excessively hot, and I envied the Governor his slouched hat as we rode through the fields, crisp with dew. In a few minutes our horses were traversing narrow alleys between the tall fields of maize, which rose far above our heads. This corn, as it is called, is the principal food of the negroes; and every planter lays down a sufficient quantity to afford him, on an average, a supply all the year round. Outside this spread vast fields, hedgeless, wall-less, and unfenced, where the green cane was just learning to wave its long shoots in the wind—a lake of bright green sugar-sprouts, along the margin of which, in the distance, rose an unbroken boundary of forest, two miles in depth, up to the swampy morass, all to be cleared and turned into arable land in process of time. From the river front to this forest, the fields of rich loam, unfathomable, and yielding from one to one and a half hogsheads of sugar per acre under cultivation, extend for a mile and a half in depth. In the midst of this expanse white dots were visible like Sowars seen on the early march, in Indian fields, many a time and oft. Those are the gangs of hands at work—we will see what they are at presently. This little reminiscence of Indian life was further heightened by the negroes who ran beside us to whisk flies from the horses, and to open the gates in the plantation boundary. When the Indian corn is not good, peas are sowed, alternately, between the stalks, and are considered to be of much benefit; and when the cane is bad, corn is sowed with it, for the same object. Before we came up to the gangs we passed a cart on the road containing a large cask, a bucket full of molasses, a pail of hominy, or boiled Indian corn, and a quantity of tin pannikins. The cask contained water for the negroes, and the other vessels held the materials for their breakfast; in addition to which, they generally have each a dried fish. The food was ample, and looked wholesome; such as any laboring man would be well content with. Passing along through maize on one side, and cane at another, we arrived at last at a patch of ground where thirty-six men and women were hoeing.

Three gangs of negroes were at work: one gang of men, with twenty mules and ploughs, was engaged in running through the furrows between the canes, cutting up the weeds and clearing away the grass, which is the enemy of the growing shoot. The mules are of a fine, large, good-tempered kind, and understand their work almost as well as the drivers, who are usually the more intelligent hands on the plantation. The overseer, a sharp-looking creole, on a lanky pony, whip in hand, superintended their labors, and, after a salutation to the Governor, to whom he made some remarks on the condition of the crops, rode off to another part of the farm. With the exception of crying to their mules, the negroes kept silence at their work.

Another gang consisted of forty men, who were hoeing out the grass in Indian corn. The third gang, of thirty-six women, were engaged in hoeing out cane. Their clothing seemed heavy for the climate; their shoes, ponderous and ill-made, had worn away the feet of their thick stockings, which hung in fringes over the upper leathers. Coarse straw hats and bright cotton handkerchiefs protected their heads from the sun. The silence which I have already alluded to, prevailed, among these gangs also—not a sound could be heard but the blows of the hoe on the heavy clods. In the rear of each gang stood a black overseer, with a heavythonged whip over his shoulder. If “Alcíbíade” or “Pompée” were called out, he came with outstretched hand to ask “How do you do,” and then returned to his labor; but the ladies were coy, and scarcely looked up from under their flapping chapeaux de paille at their visitors.

Those who are mothers leave their children in the charge of certain old women, unfit for anything else, and “suckers,” as they are called, are permitted to go home, at appointed periods in the day, to give the infants the breast. The overseers have power to give ten lashes; but heavier punishment ought to be reported to the Governor; however, it is not likely a good overseer would be checked, in any way, by his master. The anxieties attending the cultivation of sugar are great, and so much depends upon the judicious employment of labor, it is scarcely possible to exaggerate the importance of experience in directing it, and of power to insist on its application. When the frost comes, the cane is rendered worthless— one touch destroys the sugar. But if frost is the enemy of the white planter, the sun is scarcely the friend of the black man. The sun condemns him to slavery, because it is the heat which is the barrier to the white man’s labor. The Governor told me that, in August, when the crops are close, thick set, and high, and the vertical sun beats down on the laborers, nothing but a black skin and head covered with wool can enable a man to walk out in the open and live.

We returned to the house in time for breakfast, for which our early cup of coffee and biscuit and the ride had been good preparation. Here was old France again. One might imagine a lord of the seventeenth century in his hall, but for the black faces of the servitors and the strange dishes of tropical origin. There was the old French abundance, the numerous dishes and efflorescence of napkins, and the long-necked bottles of Bordeaux, with a steady current of pleasant small talk I saw some numbers of a paper called La Misachibée, which was the primitive Indian name of the grand river, not improved by the addition of sibilant Anglo-Saxon syllables.

The Americans, not unmindful of the aid to which, at the end of the War of Independence, their efforts were merely auxiliary, delight, even in the North, to exalt France above her ancient rival; but, as if to show the innate dissimilarity of the two races, the French creoles exhibit towards the New Englanders and the North an animosity, mingled with contempt, which argues badly for a future amalgamation or reunion. As the South Carolinians declare, they would rather return to their allegiance under the English monarchy, so the Louisianans, although they have no sentiment in common with the people of republican and imperial France, assert they would far sooner seek a connection with the old country than submit to the yoke of the Yankees.

After breakfast, the Governor drove out by the ever-silent levee for some miles, passing estate after estate, where grove nodded to grove, each alley saw its brother. One could form no idea, from the small limited frontage of these plantations, that the proprietors were men of many thousands a year, because the estates extend on an average for three or four miles back to the forest. The absence of human beings on the road was a feature which impressed one more and more. But for the tall chimneys of the factories and the sugar-houses, one might believe that these villas had been erected by some pleasure-loving people who had all fled from the river banks for fear of pestilence. The gangs of negroes at work were hidden in the deep corn, and their quarters were silent and deserted. We met but one planter, in his gig, until we arrived at the estate of Monsieur Potier, the Governor’s brother-in-law. The proprietor was at home, and received us very kindly, though suffering from the effects of a recent domestic calamity. He is a grave, earnest man, with a face like Jerome Bonaparte, and a most devout Catholic; and any man more unfit to live in any sort of community with New England Puritans one cannot well conceive; for equal intensity of purpose and sincerity of conviction on their part could only lead them to mortal strife. His house was like a French chateau erected under tropical influences, and he led us through a handsome garden laid out with hothouses, conservatories, orange-trees, and date-palms, and ponds full of the magnificent Victoria Regia in flower. We visited his refining factories and mills, but the heat from the boilers, which seemed too much even for the all-but-naked negroes who were at work, did not tempt us to make a very long sojourn inside. The ebony faces and polished black backs of the slaves were streaming with perspiration as they toiled over boilers, vat, and centrifugal driers. The good refiner was not gaining much money at present, for sugar has been rapidly falling in New Orleans, and the 300,000 barrels produced annually in the South will fall short in the yield of profits, which on an average may be taken at £11 a hogshead, without counting the molasses for the planter. With a most perfect faith in States Rights, he seemed to combine either indifference or ignorance in respect to the power and determination of the North to resist secession to the last. All the planters hereabouts have sown an unusual quantity of Indian corn, to have food for the negroes if the war lasts, without any distress from inland or sea blockade. The absurdity of supposing that a blockade can injure them in the way of supply is a favorite theme to descant upon. They may find out, however, that it is no contemptible means of warfare.

At night, there are regular patrols and watchmen, who look after the levee and the negroes. A number of dogs are also loosed, but I am assured that the creatures do not tear the negroes; they are taught “merely” to catch and mumble them, to treat them as a well-broken retriever uses a wounded wild duck.

MONDAY, JUNE 3, 1861.

Hot day. M. 88 — considerable excitement in the City. People seem to feel and think that affairs on the other side of the River as well as at other points are approaching a crisis. Troops are coming in and moveing over the river every day. We can see the tents of the encampments on the other side with the naked eye. Tonight, bright flashing signals were made from there about 10 & 11 o’clock, and answered from the City. I think that the rebels are approaching our lines in force. We did not go to bed till late, watching the lights and listening.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

Post image for “Imagine a line of pot-bellied, round-shouldered respectabilities of fifty or thereabouts standing in two rows and trying to dance, and you have a fair idea of this justly celebrated corps.”–Adams Family Letters, Charles Francis Adams, Jr., To His Mother .

Boston, June 3, 1861

The war affords them [of Quincy] some diversion for their thoughts and the clash of arms is heard even among the Quincy exempts, who hail John Captain. I drilled them the other evening and a funnier sight I don’t want to see. Imagine a line of pot-bellied, round-shouldered respectabilities of fifty or thereabouts standing in two rows and trying to dance, and you have a fair idea of this justly celebrated corps. I was infinitely delighted when on glancing down the ranks, as I came the heavy military on them. I saw Mr. Robertson and Captain Crane side by side in the front rank, with Mr. Gill and poor old Flint vainly struggling to cover them in the rear. That was too much and I almost smiled right out loud. The only man I saw who could by any possibility be converted into a soldier was, unfortunately, our worthy pastor, Mr. Wells, who however in case of emergency would probably have other duties to perform. There he was, however, with his musket in his hand and it was so refreshing to see a man who seemed able to bend his back that I asked John to make him a sergeant and I believe he promised that he would. By the way, I really do believe we have drawn quite a prize in Wells. He seems to have pleased every one and you don’t know how strange it seems to have some one here who really takes an interest in and means to manage the Parish. I had a short talk with him the other evening and was much pleased. He evidently understands the people here and is going to make his mark, and I have little doubt that if he lives, you ‘ll find the Parish a very different thing when you come home from what it was when you went away. . . .

Post image for A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by DNC Chairman August Belmont

To The Right Hon. Lord DUNFERMLINE,

House of Lords, London.

New York, June 3, 1861

My Dear Lord Dunfermline,—The friendly relations which have existed during several years between us, and which I shall always cherish among the bright recollections of my sojourn at the Hague, induce me to address you this letter, for which I crave your kind and favorable consideration.

The unfortunate position into which a few reckless and selfish politicians, aided by the weakness of our late national administration, have thrown this country, is at this moment directing the serious attention of the British government and people toward us. Knowing your warm and active sympathy, and that of your noble and influential family, for the cause of constitutional liberty, I am sure that you are among those who watch with intense interest the phases of the dark drama which is now enacting on this continent, between the United States, struggling for their national existence, and a rebellious faction, attempting to overthrow our free institutions, in order to plant slavery on the whole American continent.

From the tenor of the English press, and the debates in Parliament, I am inclined to believe that there exists a serious misapprehension in the minds of your government and people in regard to the nature of the Southern rebellion, and the chances of its success.

If you allow me, I will give you my views on the present position of affairs here, in as short a space as the form of a letter, and my desire not to bore you with a lengthy epistle, will permit. I may claim that these views, however erroneous and imperfect they may prove, have at least the merit of fairness and impartiality. My politics have always been opposed to the party now in power, the advent of which has been used by the leaders of the Southern conspiracy as a watchword for an overthrow of our government. I was, and am, opposed to an useless agitation of the slavery question, and any infringement of the Constitutional rights of the South, under a fair and liberal construction, and am equally hostile to the anti-free-trade proclivities of the present administration.

You are doubtless aware that the so-called Republican (anti-slavery) party which is now in power, was first able to claim the position of a national party in 1854, in consequence of the daily increasing aggressions and demands of the pro-slavery oligarchy, which had gained the control of the executive and legislature of the Federal government. The dastardly assault upon Senator Sumner, from Massachusetts, provoked as it undoubtedly was by the violent language of that senator, and the fraud and violence with which the pro-slavery party attempted to force a slavery constitution upon the new State of Kansas, drove hundreds of thousands throughout the North into the ranks of the new party.

In 1856 that party, for the first time, put a candidate for the Presidency in nomination, upon the avowed doctrine of preventing the extension of slavery to our western Territories. Mr. Fremont was then defeated by Mr. Buchanan, who enjoyed the confidence of a very large majority of the conservative and influential portion of the country, and in whose sagacity, experience, and familiarity with public affairs, everybody hoped for a strong government, and for the suppression of the seditious cry of disunion which had been raised by the political leaders of the South ever since the formation of the Republican party.

In these expectations the country was sadly disappointed. Mr. Buchanan threw himself from the very outset into the arms of the very men who are now the rebel leaders of the South. His cabinet, chosen under such influences, sympathized, with one single exception, and was in secret league with the conspirators, giving them during the last four years ample time, means, and influence, in order to prepare their treasonable machinations.

The Secretary of War, convicted since his retirement of actual treason and fraud, had placed all the Federal forts in the South, and an immense quantity of arms, within their reach, so that when the time had come for them to throw down the mask they were enabled to give to their movement an appearance of strength and probability of success, which evidently has deceived public opinion in England.

Upon the first outbreak of secession, and when it was confined to the cotton States, there was also a large party at the North which was in favor of compromise measures, in order to bring the seceding States back to their allegiance. When these failed against the uncompromising attitude of the extremists South and North, they even went so far as to advocate a peaceable separation of the cotton States, convinced that the latter, when once out of the Union, would soon discover how fearfully they had been deceived by their selfish and designing leaders, and that they would be but too glad after a year or so to return into the confederacy.

The attack against Fort Sumter, the treachery of Virginia and North Carolina, and the conduct of Jeff. Davis, have, however, since then, produced a revolution in the public mind of the North, of the strength, intensity, and unanimity of which it would be impossible for me to convey to you even the faintest idea.

The people of the North see now revealed to them, in all their horrid nakedness, the treasonable schemes of the slavery oligarchy, who, while pretending to battle for their threatened Constitutional rights, have dragged the country to this fearful condition, for no other purpose but to insure to themselves the continuance of that power which they have wielded for the last forty years, and to fasten slavery, as a political element, upon this country. The North feels that to admit the right of secession claimed by the revolted States, would be forever to renounce our existence as a nation, and that a peaceful separation of fifteen slave States on one side, and seventeen free States on the other, divided only by an imaginary geographical line, must soon be followed by war and strife, however much treaties and diplomacy might attempt to prevent it. Besides, can it be expected that the powerful North and Northwest, with a hardy and industrious population of twenty-one millions of freemen, would quietly relinquish the mouth of the Mississippi, and all the seaports, from the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, into the possession of a foreign nation, ruled by unscrupulous and reckless politicians, who, for the sake of their odious domestic institution, and upon the strength of their cotton monopoly, would disregard and violate treaty-stipulations, whenever it would suit their convenience.

With a due appreciation of these considerations, it cannot be doubted that no sacrifice will be too great for the people of the North in support of their government, and the maintenance of the integrity of their country. We are all united, while we know that in Virginia, Tennessee, and Alabama, a very considerable portion of the inhabitants are openly in favor of the Union, and we have good reason to suppose that a very numerous minority in the other cotton States, with the exception, perhaps, of South Carolina, is opposed to secession.

The contest must end in the victory of the government, but I fear that the position of neutrality taken by your government, which raises the rebels to the dignity of belligerents, will give them a moral support only calculated to prolong the war and its horrors.

We had hoped for the active sympathy and support of the British government and people, in our struggle against the spread of the institution of slavery, and against a rebellion, which, by the confession and boast of its leaders, is based upon that institution as its principal element of power.

We could not, of course, expect a direct interference of your government in our intestine quarrel, but we thought that, as they had heretofore done in the case of Greece, Italy, and Spain, the British people would be allowed to follow their noble instincts for freedom and constitutional liberty, and that the anti-slavery cause, which had always been so warmly advocated in England, would now find means, money, and men, in its dark hour of trial, to assist us against the most unjustifiable and criminal rebellion which has ever disgraced the annals of history.

These hopes have been most sadly disappointed by the proclamation of the Queen, declaring strict neutrality between the government of the United States and a portion of its citizens in rebellion against that government. It has, however, in no way lessened the determination of the United North to fight for the restoration of the integrity of their government to the last man. With the preponderance of men and resources which we possess over the South, the final result can only be a question of time; but if the British government desires, as it undoubtedly must, to see the length and horrors of this fratricidal war diminished, its true policy must be to avoid any thing which in the remotest way can give aid and comfort to the seceded States.

Our government has given, by one of the first acts of the new administration, its consent to the first article of the declaration of the Paris Conference on the right of neutrals, abolishing privateers. With its consent, all the maritime powers of the world have now united in declaring privateering piracy, and I hope sincerely that this progress in civilization and humanity will be secured by the acceptance of the consent of my government, notwithstanding that we were somewhat slow in making up our mind.

I trust, also, that the restrictions imposed by the Queen’s proclamation, by which British merchant-vessels are prohibited from carrying arms and munitions of war to either of the belligerents, may be repealed.

The Southern ports being blockaded by our navy, this restriction results of course to the direct advantage of the rebels, and prevents, moreover, your shipowners and manufacturers from realizing a legitimate profit by the manufacturing and carrying of English arms to our ports.

During the Crimean war, notwithstanding the strict neutrality of our government, our merchant-ships and steamers were chartered by the English and French authorities, for the carrying of troops and arms to the Crimea, and large numbers of arms were manufactured here, and sent in American vessels to England.

Our government did not interfere with its ship-owners and manufacturers in the lawful pursuit of their trade, and as the Russian ports were then in the same position as our Southern ports are at present, the neutral course of the United States resulted to the advantage of the allies.

I hope, my dear Lord Dunfermline, that you will excuse this very lengthy epistle, and I trust that your powerful influence will be exerted in favor of the cause of right, justice, and freedom. Your position in the House of Lords, and your intimate relations with Lord John Russell, give a peculiar weight to any steps you may feel induced to take in this important question.

The cordial good feeling of our people for Great Britain, and their deepfelt love and respect for the Queen, will be very much strengthened by an evidence of sympathy on the part of the British nation and government for our cause, which is that of justice and humanity.

If you have sufficient leisure left to let me hear from you, I shall be much gratified, and if I can learn from you that I have not in vain advocated the cause of my country, it will be a source of pride and happiness to me.

Post image for “And troops are beginning to arrive in considerable numbers.”—John Beauchamp Jones’ diary.

JUNE 3D.—The Secretary arrived to-day, sick; and was accompanied by Major Tyler, himself unwell. And troops are beginning to arrive in considerable numbers. The precincts of the city will soon be a series of encampments. The regiments are drilled here, and these mostly forwarded to Manassas, where a battle must soon occur, if the enemy, now in overwhelming numbers, should advance. The Northern papers say the Yankee army will celebrate the 4th of July in Richmond. Nous verrons. But no doubt hostilities have commenced. We have accounts of frightful massacres in Missouri, by German mercenaries. Hampton has been occupied by the enemy, a detachment having been sent from Fortress Monroe for that purpose. They also hold Newport News on the Peninsula. There are rumors of a fight at Philippi. One Col. Potterfield was surprised. If this be so, there is no excuse for him. I think the President will make short work of incompetent commanders. Now a blunder is worse than a crime.