Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington, January 9, 1861.

Hons. D. L. YULEE and S. R. MALLORY:

GENTLEMEN: In reply to your note of the 2d instant I have the honor to state that the interests of the service forbid that the information which you ask should at this moment be made public.

Very, &c.,

J. HOLT,
Secretary of War ad interim.

January 9th, 1861.—There has been a hot time in the convention today; the nearer they get to a final decision the hotter it gets. Colonel Ward made a most eloquent address to the convention. He told them that he was a Union man but it was in this way: in his opinion the South had done more to establish that Union than any other section; it was a Southern man who wrote the Declaration of Independence, it was a Southern man who led the American army, it was Southern men who framed the Constitution, a Southern man wrote our National Anthem and, in so doing had immortalized the Star-spangled Banner and he proposed to hold on to that which we had done so much to bring about. He was willing to fight, if fight we must, but he wanted to fight in the Union and under that flag which was doubly ours. The heartiest applause greeted him as he sat down. It was plain to see that his audience was tremendously affected but the next speaker tore his fine argument to shreds. So it went on all day, some committee business would interrupt now and then but the most of the time was spent in debate for or against secession.

Our old friend, Mr. Burgess says: “If Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe had died before she wrote ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin,’ this would never have happened.” He says, “she has kindled a fire which all the waters of the earth cannot extinguish.” Isn’t it strange how much harm a pack of lies can do?

FORT JOHNSTON, N. C.,
January 9, 1861—9 o’clock a. m.

SIR : I have the honor to report herewith that this post has been taken possession of this morning at 4 o’clock a. m. by a party of the citizens of Smithville, N. C. They came to my door at the time above stated and demanded the keys of the magazine of me. I told them I would not give up the keys to any person with my life. They replied that it was no use to be obstinate, for they had the magazine already in their possession, and that they had a party of twenty men around it, and were determined to keep it; if not by fair means, they would break it open. I considered a while and seen it was no use to persevere, for they were determined to have what ordnance stores there was at the post. I then told them if they would sign receipts to me for the ordnance and ordnance stores at the post, I would give it up to them. (There was no alternative left me but to act as I did.) They replied that they would do so. The receipt was signed. and [they] left fifteen men in charge of the post; the remainder proceeded to take Fort Caswell, which is in their possession by this time. I do not know what arrangement Ordnance Sergeant Dardingkiller made with them.

They have taken out of the magazine at this post nearly all the musket cartridges in it; they are also taking the guns out of the block-house and mounting them. I would have telegraphed long since, had I an opportunity of doing so, to the Department, but I could get no means of going to Wilmington—no person would hire me their horse or boat for that purpose. Please send me instructions how I am to act hereafter, as there is expected this afternoon 300 men from Wilmington, N. C., to occupy both posts.

They have not as yet decided what to do with me or Sergeant Dardingkiller. I expect they will send us away as soon as they get some kind of an organization amongst them.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JAMES REILLY,
Ordnance Sergeant, U. S. Army.

Col. S. COOPER,
………………Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington City, D. C.

FORT SUMTER, S.C., January 9, 1861.
(Received A. G. O., January 12.)

Col. S. COOPER, Adjutant General:

COLONEL: I have the honor to send herewith the correspondence which took place to-day between the governor of South Carolina and myself in relation to the firing by his batteries on a vessel bearing our flag. Lieutenant Talbot, whose health is very much impaired, will be the bearer of these dispatches, and he will be enabled to give you full information in reference to this and to all other matters.

I am, colonel, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

[Inclosures.]

FORT SUMTER, S.C., January 9, 1861.

To his Excellency the GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA:

SIR: Two of your batteries fired this morning upon an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of my Government. As I have not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina against the Government of the United States, I cannot but think that this hostile act was committed without your sanction or authority. Under that hope, and that alone, did I refrain from opening fire upon your batteries. I have the honor, therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above mentioned act–one, I believe, without a parallel in the history of our country or of any other civilized government–was committed in obedience to your instructions, and to notify you, if it be not disclaimed, that I must regard it as an act of war, and that I shall not, after a reasonable time for the return of my messenger, permit any vessels to pass within range of the guns of my fort. In order to save, as far as in my power, the shedding of blood, I beg that you will have due notification of this my decision given to all concerned. Hoping, however, that your answer may be such as will justify a further continuance of forbearance upon my part,

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

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STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, EXECUTIVE OFFICE,
Headquarters, Charleston, January 9, 1861.

Maj. ROBERT ANDERSON,

Commanding Fort Sumter :

SIR: Your letter has been received. In it you make certain statements which very plainly show that you have not been fully informed by your Government of the precise relations which now exist between it and the State of South Carolina. Official information has been communicated to the Government of the United States that the political connection heretofore existing between the State of South Carolina and the States which were known as the United States had ceased, and that the State of South Carolina had resumed all the power it had delegated to the United States under the compact known as the Constitution of the United States. The right which the State of South Carolina possessed to change the political relations which it held with other States under the Constitution of the United States has been solemnly asserted by the people of this State in convention, and now does not admit of discussion. In anticipation of the ordinance of secession, of which the President of the United States has received official notification, it was understood by him that sending any re-enforcement of the troops of the United States in the harbor of Charleston would be regarded by the constituted authorities of the State of South Carolina as an act of hostility, and at the same time it was understood by him that any change in the occupation of the forts in the harbor of Charleston would in like manner be regarded as an act of hostility. Either or both of these events, occurring during the period in which the State of South Carolina constituted a part of the United States, was then distinctly notified to the President of the United States as an act or acts of hostility; because either or both would be regarded, and could only be intended, to dispute the right of the State of South Carolina to that political independence which she has always asserted and will always retain. Whatever would have been, during the continuance of this State as a member of the United States, an act of hostility, became much more so when the State of South Carolina had dissolved the connection with the Government of the United States. After the secession of the State of South Carolina, Fort Sumter continued in the possession of the troops of the United States. How that fort is at this time in the possession of the troops of the United States, it is not now necessary to discuss. It will suffice to say that the occupancy of that fort has been regarded by the State of South Carolina as the first act of positive hostility committed by the troops of the United States within the limits of this State, and was in this light regarded as so unequivocal that it occasioned the termination of the negotiations then pending at Washington between the Commissioners of the State of South Carolina and the President of the United States. The attempt to re-enforce the troops now at Fort Sumter, or to retake and resume possession of the forts within the waters of this State, which you abandoned, after spiking the guns placed there, and doing otherwise much damage, cannot be regarded by the authorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the coercion of the State by the armed force of the Government. To repel such an attempt is too plainly its duty to allow it to be discussed. But while defending its waters, the authorities of the State have been careful so to conduct the affairs of the State that no act, however necessary for its defense, should lead to an useless waste of life. Special agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn all approaching vessels, if armed or unarmed, and having troops to re-enforce the forts on board, not to enter the harbor of Charleston, and special orders have been given to the commanders of all forts and batteries not to fire at such vessels until a shot fired across their bows would warn them of the prohibition of the State. Under these circumstances, the Star of the West, it is understood, this morning attempted to enter this harbor, with troops on board, and having been notified that she could not enter, was fired into. The act is perfectly justified by me. In regard to your threat in regard to vessels in the harbor, it is only necessary to say that you must judge of your own responsibilities. Your position in this harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of the State, and while the act of which you complain is in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it is not perceived how far the conduct which you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the history of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose of your Government than that of imposing upon this State the condition of a conquered province.

F. W. PICKENS.

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FORT SUMTER, S.C., January 9, 1861.

General TOTTEN:

MY DEAR SIR: I have only a moment to write by Lieutenant Meade [?], who comes with dispatches from Major Anderson. I wish to assure you, however, that the officers of your corps are doing everything in their power to make this work impregnable, even with the present small garrison of seventy men. We even mount all the guns, as we can do it much more rapidly than the garrison. We have twenty-nine guns on the first tier and eleven on the barbette tier. Four 8-inch columbiads are ready to mount to-morrow. I shall place the 10-inch on the parade as mortars.

The firing upon the Star of the West this morning by the batteries on Morris Island opened the war, but Major Anderson hopes that the delay of sending to Washington may possibly prevent civil war. The hope, although a small one, may be the thread that prevents the sundering of the Union. We are none the less determined to defend ourselves to the last extremity. I am in want of funds, and would respectfully urge that as soon as possible $15,000 may be placed to my credit in New York. In haste.

Very respectfully,

J. G. FOSTER,

Captain, Engineers.

P. S.–I beg to refer you to Lieutenant Meade [?] for particulars.

J. G. F.

1861. January 8.—South Carolina, it appears, adopted her Ordinance of Secession on the 19th of December, unanimously. It has been hailed with exultation in most of the Southern States. Mr. Mason rather intimates that the movement is designed to compel adequate concessions from the North, or to form a basis upon which the confederacy may be reconstructed.

The first article of Blackwood’s Magazine for this month, “The Political Year,” is one of much ability. Its purpose is to depreciate the present government by special attacks on Mr. Gladstone and Lord John Russell. In the concluding paragraph I find the following: “The last news from America announces that, Lord John Russell having complained of the inactivity of the American cruisers in the suppression of the slave-trade, Mr. Dallas informed his Lordship, in October last, that ‘the British Foreign Office had better mind its own business.’ He wound up by stating that ‘the government at Washington did not require to be continually lectured as to its duty by our Foreign Secretary.’ Can anything be more absurd? We have a Foreign Secretary who writes letters and gives good advice to all the world, and who, at one time, cannot get his effusions answered, at another time gets snubbed for them, yet again finds them quoted as authorizing rebellion, and always finds himself doing more harm than good.” It is true, that, on the 24th of November, I read, as instructed, a despatch from General Cass, dated the 27th of October, to Lord John Russell. His Lordship did not like it; said that all Christendom had condemned the slave-trade, and he had a right to speak against it. I merely remarked that perhaps the serenity of the State Department at Washington would not be disturbed by one or two exhortations, but that his Lordship must be aware that too frequent recurrences in diplomatic correspondence to the obligations of humanity imply a neglect of them by those addressed, and cannot but be unacceptable. When I reported this matter to the Secretary of State, I added: “English statesmen generally have a complacent and irrepressible sense of superior morality, and are apt, without really meaning incivility, to be prodigal of their inculcations upon others.” Here is the basis of Blackwood’s remarks.

(Confidential.)

New York, Jan. 8,1861.

My Dear Sir,—Why is money to very large amounts being transferred to Washington? It may be all right, but it is unusual. Nearly a million of dollars has been sent on in specie within the last week. I write you in confidence. Are these transfers made by order of the President? Is he aware of them? These questions have suggested themselves to me. There is a good deal of uneasiness in regard to the Treasury Department. The Secretary and his assistant are known to be secessionists, and our capitalists, who furnish the Government with money, naturally feel a solicitude in regard to the disposition made of it. The transfers in specie have attracted attention and produced a good deal of unpleasant speculation. The Assistant Treasury Office is in Wall Street, and any considerable quantity of gold cannot be moved without being known. I met, a few days ago, a large number of boxes going out, and on inquiry I found $400,000 were going to Washington.

In haste, very truly yours,

John A. Dix.

Hon. Horatio King.

TUESDAY 8

The weather has been moderate today M[ercury]. 44 — Streets muddy, and the crossings bad. Statements that troops have been sent to reinforce Maj Anderson at Fort Sumpter created much excitement, a collision is expected. It is reported tonight that the Sec’y of Interior Mr Thompson has resigned, and also that a collision has occured at Charleston. U. S. troops have been ordered to this City to defend it if necessary. Genl Scott is here and will remain until after 4th March. 100 guns were fired today in remembrance of the Battle of New Orleans. I was at the “National” this evening, called with wife at Mr Fenwick’s on I St.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

—The Southern Confederacy (published at Atlanta, Ga.), a paper which has been fighting most gallantly for the Union and the laws, says of the late election for members of the Georgia Convention:

“It is a notable fact, that, wherever the ‘Minute Men, as they are called, have had an organization, those counties have voted, by large majorities, for immediate secession. Those that they could not control by persuasion and coaxing, they dragooned and bullied, by threats, jeers, and sneers. By this means thousands of good citizens were induced to vote the immediate secession ticket through timidity. Besides, the towns and cities have been flooded with sensation dispatches and inflammatory rumors, manufactured in Washington city for the especial occasion. To be candid, there never has been as much lying and bullying practised, in the same length of time, since the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, as has been in the recent State campaign. The fault has been at Washington city; from that cess-pool have emanated all the abominations that ever cursed a free people.”

—The Baltimore Exchange says “the whole population of Maryland is united in the desire to preserve the Union; yet it may be that the people, by a blind and ill-advised course, may render the State obnoxious in future to the charge of having contributed, by her indecision and weakness, to the overthrow of the republic.”—Evening Post, Jan. 8.

—Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in a letter to J. L. Curry, Commissioner from Alabama, says he regards cooperation between the slave States as an infraction of the Constitution, which he, as Governor of Maryland, swore to support. The people of that State are firm in their friendship for the Union, and will never swerve from it; they have seen, with mortification and regret, the course taken by, South Carolina; for in their opinion it is better to use the Union for the enforcement of their rights than to break it up because of apprehensions that the provisions of the Constitution will be disregarded, and they will cling to it until it shall actually become the instrument of destruction to their rights and peace and safety. Disunion would be ruin to Maryland, and in the proposed Southern Confederacy she sees no refuge from the ills she must suffer in such an event. “Let us,” says Governor Hicks, “have our rights in the Union, and through and by the Constitution.”—Baltimore Sun.

—The N. C. troops, and persons residing in the vicinity of Forts Caswell and Johnson, took possession of those defences this day. (A correspondence on this subject took place immediately between Governor Ellis and Secretary Holt. The forts were surrendered and the State troops removed.—Doc. 17.)

—Secretary Thompson resigned his place in the Cabinet, upon learning that the Star of the West had sailed from New York with troops.

—From Charleston it is announced that the messages to Fort Sumter cannot be delivered, as there is no communication between the fort and the city.

—The Sub-Treasurer of Charleston has communicated to the Government, that the South Carolina authorities will not allow him to pay any more drafts, not even to pay Anderson’s. All the cash in his vaults is to be retained there.

—It is ascertained that all the seceding States lave drawn their quota of arms for 1861 in advance. The order from South Carolina was filled only a few days before the passage of the ordinance of secession.—Commercial, Jan. 8.

BARRANCAS BARRACKS, FLA.,
January 8, 1861.

SIR: There are rumors that the citizens of Florida and Alabama intend taking possession of the fortifications in this harbor. They have already taken those at Mobile and Savannah. I am stationed with one company (G, First Artillery) at Barrancas Barracks, having also Fort Barrancas in charge. There are no accommodations for troops in the fort. Fort Pickens (unoccupied) commands the harbor, and should that work be taken possession of, our position would be useless as far as any protection to the harbor goes. Please furnish me with orders for my direction in the case before me. I have already telegraphed to the same effect.

……….I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

A. J. SLEMMER,
First Lieutenant, First Artillery, Commanding.

Col. S. COOPER, Adjutant-General U. S. Army.

January 8th, 1861.—We are at home again after a day filled to overflowing with excitement and interest. We were in such a hurry to get to town that the convention had not assembled when we reached the Capitol. There were groups of men talking earnestly and there were other men running hither and thither with papers in their hands. Father has a great many friends and I stood quietly beside him while he and they discussed the situation. The ambassador from South Carolina had evidently made an impression on his audience of yesterday and somebody had been busy last night, for in every direction could be seen Palmetto cockades, fastened with a blue ribbon; there were hundreds of them. When at last the hall of representatives was opened and Father and I took our seats, Judge Gwynn came in and pinned a cockade on Father and one on me. Oh, I was so proud.

Judge McGeehee is Father’s friend and he shook hands with us as he entered the hall.

The members of the convention took their seats and Mr. Blake, our dear Mr. Blake, whom we love so well, opened the day’s session with prayer; such a beautiful prayer. I had never seen a convention until Father brought me here and it is strange to me. I wish I could tell all I heard today but the language the members used is not familiar to me and some of the things they talk about are just as new. Then, too, I am just a little girl. A message was read on the floor of the convention, from Governor Brown of Georgia, to Governor Milton. As near as I can remember it was this way: “Georgia will certainly secede. Has Florida occupied the fort?”

Mr. Sanderson was very interesting. He recounted the rights which the states retained when they delegated other rights to the general government in the Constitution. He made it so perfectly clear that all and every state had the right to withdraw from the Union, if her rights and liberty were threatened. He said the Committee on Ordinances had carefully examined into the question and they could find no reason why Florida should not exercise her right to withdraw from a compact, which now threatened her with such dire disaster. I cannot understand all the work assigned to the different committees; perhaps I am not old enough; people grow wiser as they grow older; so aunt Robinson says. I am going again tomorrow. My palmetto cockade lies on the table beside me.