Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Mrs. Lincoln, the wife of the President elect, is a Southerner by birth, the daughter of a planter, and brought up in all the traditions of conservatism.

mary_todd_lincoln_and_sons

Mrs. Lincoln (nee Mary Todd) is the daughter of the hon. Robert S. Todd, of Lexington, Kentucky, and was educated with great care by her excellent parents, and is much respected and beloved by all who come within the sphere of her social influence.  She was united in marriage with the President Elect in November, 1842, and the fruits of this marriage were four sons, three of whom are now living.  The eldest, a lad of seventeen, is now studying at Harvard College, and is highly esteemed by his comrades and tutors.  The two youngest are represtnted in the picture we this day present to our readers and are fine specimens of our Western youth.

Our engraving is from a photograph by P. Butler, of Springfield, Ill.

Washington, Dec. 14, 1860.

My Dear Sir,—It may seem presumptuous in me, an humble subordinate, to address you on great matters of state, but my apology, if any is necessary, must be that I am an American citizen, with all that ardent love for my country and its government which should ever animate the true patriot, and especially in times of danger like the present.

I am amazed that some decided action is not taken by the Government to cut itself entirely loose from disunion and disunionists. Look at the Constitution newspaper of to-day—and, indeed, I may say, of every issue since the Presidential election. Its whole bearing is for disunion; and, say what you will, the Government is held, and will be held, in a great degree responsible for it. It was the organ to which the message was confidentially intrusted, and its columns are daily filled with advertisements which it receives and can receive only by favor of the President, for its circulation would not secure them to it by law.

I saw, as every person of observation must have seen, the very day after the election, that its influence was directed toward secession, and I felt myself compelled immediately to call the attention of the President to it, as I did in a letter, a copy of which I herewith inclose for your perusal.

I know how the President is pressed by the secessionists, and I sympathize fully in all reasonable measures to be taken within the Union to secure the rights of the South, and consign to infamy the leaders of black republicanism at the North; but, as his devoted friend and the friend of every member of his Cabinet, I cannot restrain myself from the expression of the deepest astonishment and mortification that the Government should for one moment allow itself to occupy such a position as to afford even its enemies a pretext to charge it with giving the slightest countenance, either directly or indirectly, to secession or secessionists.

Is it not possible to relieve the administration from the infamy which must attach to it for all time, so far as it is made responsible for the course of the Constitution, and for keeping men in responsible positions who are known and avowed disunionists? For God’s sake, let us see the Government placed squarely and unequivocally on the side of the Union I With great respect,

Very sincerely your friend,

Horatio King.

Hon. J. S. Black, Attorney-General U. S.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT OF ALABAMA

Montgomery, December 14, 1860.

Whereas, the election of Abraham Lincoln, a Black Republican, to the Presidency of the United States, by a purely sectional vote, and by a party whose leading and publicly avowed object is the destruction of the institution of slavery as it exists in the slaveholding states, and whereas, the success of said party will greatly endanger the peace, interests, security and honor of the slaveholding States and make it necessary that prompt and effective measures should be adopted to avoid the evils which must result from a Republican administration of the Federal Government, and as the interests and destiny of the slaveholding states are the same, they must naturally sympathize with each other, they therefore, so far as may be practicable, should consult and advise together as to what is best to be done to protect their mutual interests and honor. Now therefore, in consideration of the premises, I, Andrew B. Moore, Governor of the State of Alabama, by virtue of the general powers in me vested, do hereby constitute and appoint Hon. Robert H. Smith in conjunction with Hon. I. W. Garrott, a citizen of said State, a Commissioner to the Sovereign State of North Carolina, to consult and advise with his Excellency Gov. John W. Ellis and the members of the Legislature now assembled, as to what is best to be done to protect the rights interests and honor of the slaveholding states, and to report the result of such consultation in time to enable me to communicate the same to the convention of the State of Alabama, to be held on Monday, the 7th day of February next.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the great seal of the State to be affixed in the City of Montgomery, this the 14th day of December, in the year &c aforesaid.

Andrew B. Moore, Governor.

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The Magazine of History With Notes and Queries, Vol. III No. 1, January 1906, page 50

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FORT MOULTRIE, S.C.,
Friday, December 14, 1860.

Col. S. COOPER, Adjutant-General U. S. Army:

DEAR COLONEL: I inclose herewith a slip from the Charleston Mercury of 13th instant, mentioning from Washington correspondent Major Bell’s [Buell’s] mission to this place.

I told the major that it was likely they would get an inkling of it. I merely send this to show you the almost impossibility of keeping anything secret. Nothing here worthy of an “official”–a calm before the storm. Many think no attack will be made on me until after they are in position in Fort Sumter, and that they will drive me out with her guns. It is all conjecture. I shall, of course, prepare here for the worst.

All well and in fine spirits.

Yours, truly,

ROBERT ANDERSON.

[Inclosure.]

FROM WASHINGTON.

WASHINGTON, December 10.

Mr. EDITOR: A Caucus was held here a few nights since of Senators and Representatives from the cotton States. It numbered about twenty-six, and represented the States of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,  and North Carolina, and upon the question of the necessity of the immediate secession of South Carolina there was not a dissenting voice.

Major Bell [Buell] and several other officers of the Army have been sent to Fort Moultrie to look after the forts and keep a sharp lookout upon them. They were sent for no good to us. See that they make no change in the distribution of soldiers, so as to put them all in Fort Sumter. That would be dangerous to us.

Yours,

CHARLES.

Washington, December 13th. At the request of Hon. Reuben Davis of Mississippi, member of the Committee of States, the Southern members of Congress assembled at his rooms to-night and adjourned at eleven o’clock, at which the following declaration was made and signed by those present. It had already been presented to the Committee of Thirty-three:

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Washington, December 13th, 1860.

To our Constituents: The argument is exhausted. All hope of relief in the Union, through the agency of committees, Congressional legislation, or constitutional amendments, is extinguished, and we trust the South will not be deceived by appearances or the pretence of new guarantees. The Republicans are resolute in the purpose to grant nothing that will or ought to satisfy the South. We are satisfied the honor, safety, and independence of the Southern people are to be found only in a Southern Confederacy —a result to be obtained only by separate State secession—and that the sole and primary aim of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from an unnatural and hostile Union.

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Signed by J. L. Pugh, David Clopton, Sydenham Moore, J. L. M. Curry, and J. A. Stallworth of Alabama; Alfred Iverson, J. W. H. Underwood, L. J. Gartrell, and Jas. Jackson, (Senator Toombs is not here, but would sign). John J. Jones, and Martin J. Crawford of Georgia; Geo. S. Hawkins of Florida. It is understood Mr. Yulee will sign it. T. C. Hindman of Arkansas. Both Senators will also sign it. A. G. Brown, Wm. Barksdale. O. R. Singleton, and Reuben Davis of Mississippi; Burton Craige and Thos. Ruffin of North Carolina; J. P. Benjamin and John M. Landrum of Louisiana. Mr. Slidell will also sign it. Senators Wigfall and Hemphill of Texas, will sign it.

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Mr. Davis made the following statement to the caucus:

Being a member of the Committee of Thirty-three, I state that the above witnessed despatch was communicated to the committee this evening, and a resolution passed proposing no specific relief, eight Northern States dissenting, avowedly intended to counteract the effect of the above despatch, and, as I believe, to mislead the people of the South. From information derived from Republican members of the committee and other Northern Representatives, I fully concur in the above despatch.

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Reuben Davis. The manifesto will be immediately communicated to the several constituencies of the gentlemen named by telegraph.

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The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great Rebellion, from November 6, 1860, to July 4, 1864; page 37; Edward MacPherson; 1865

To Governor WM. SPRAGUE,

Providence, R.I.

New York, December 13, 1860

My Dear Sir,—I am much obliged for your favor of 1oth inst., but regret that you take the view that the repeal of the personal-liberty bill, by your State, at this moment could be looked upon as a concession made under the pressure and influence of fear and threats.

The secession movement of the South has lost all the character of bluster and threat, which our Northern friends supposed too long was its principal element. The most conservative men have joined in it, right or wrong; they feel that their institutions and property are not any longer safe within the Union, and that self-preservation commands action before the Federal power passes into hands which they take for granted are hostile to their section. They do not threaten, but they want to be allowed to go out peaceably. The great majority are for immediate action, but the Union men are striving to postpone secession if possible until the 4th of March.

In this they can only succeed if aided by the North. The action which I suggested to you would go very far toward paving the way to a satisfactory solution of our present difficulties. You, yourself, think that the personal-liberty bills are unconstitutional. If they are wrong, why then wait one moment to do what is right?

Neither a State nor an individual can ever suffer in public opinion by doing what is right, and the more spontaneous the acknowledgment of an error is, the higher will it be appreciated. Here is what Herschel V. Johnson, one of the most patriotic and able men of the South, writes to me on this subject only a few days ago. After giving a most dispassionate description of the present state of affairs, and the dangers which surround us, he says:—

“What is to be done ? The Union is in danger, how can it be saved? In my judgment there is but one way, and I fear that may be too late. Those non-slaveholding States, whose legislatures have enacted them, must repeal their personal-liberty bills, and all acts of every kind which obstruct and prevent the faithful execution of the fugitive-slave law.

I do not say they should do this under the influence of fear, nor even because the South may demand it, but because it is right; it will be but a voluntary return to a correct sense of Constitutional obligation, and a renewal of that spirit of brotherhood from which the Union sprang, and without which it cannot be perpetuated. Such action, voluntarily taken, will be far more salutary upon the popular mind of the South, than if taken at the end of a bitter contest,” etc.

I can assure you, my dear sir, that all the leaders of the Republican party in our State and city, with a few exceptions of the ultra radicals, are in favor of concessions, and that the popular mind of the North is ripe for them. A prompt action by you will be universally hailed with joy and gratitude, while a tardy compliance with the popular will can but have comparatively small merit. Public men, placed as prominently as you are, must lead and not follow, if thev want to make their mark.

(Private.)

P. O. Dept., Appt. Office, Dec. 12, 1860.

My Dear Sir,—Your note of yesterday is received.

It is becoming every day more and more apparent that there is quite a large party at the South who, traitors at heart, are resolved on effecting a dissolution of the Union, even though the North were to yield to the utmost of their former demands, and these men are now in the lead. One of them kept his place in the government till forced to resign from very shame, and there are others of smaller calibre who are still retained, —traitors in the camp.

And we are to allow the best government in the world to be destroyed in the first hour of danger, without an effort to demonstrate that if statesmen will but do their duty it is capable of withstanding far more serious shocks than that with which it is now threatened. What mockery of statesmanship! What imbecility ! What culpable wickedness! Will not the God of nations send down his thunderbolts and arrest the base wretches who are thus plotting our ruin?

It seems now to be pretty generally conceded that the cotton States will secede, and the next thing is to avoid a conflict on that account, or the whole country will be ablaze with civil war!

Very respectfully and truly yours,

Horatio King.

Hon. John A. Dix, New York.

Entertain no proposition for a compromise in regard to the extension of slavery. The instant you do they have us under again: all our labor is lost, and sooner or later must be done over. Douglas is sure to be again trying to bring in his “popular sovereignty.” Have none of it. The tug has to come, and better now than later. You know I think the fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution ought to be enforced—to put it in its mildest form, ought not to be resisted.

FORT MOULTRIE, S.C., December 11, 1860.

Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, First Artillery, commanding at Fort Moultrie, S.C.

You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision-of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a collision. He has therefore carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt, by violence, to obtain possession of the public works or interfere with their occupancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint those expectations of the Government, he deems it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has therefore directed me verbally to give you such instructions.

You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression; and for that reason you are not, without evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude. But you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take possession of any one of them will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act.

D.C. BUELL,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

Private & Confidential

SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Dec. 10. 1860

Hon. L. Trumbull.

My Dear Sir: Let there be no compromise on the question of extending slavery. If there be, all our labor is lost, and, ere long, must be done again. The dangerous ground — that into which some of our friends have a hankering to run — is Pop. Sov. Have none of it. Stand firm. The tug has to come, & better now than any time hereafter.

Yours as ever

A. LINCOLN.