Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

December 10th.—We have been up to the Mulberry Plantation with Colonel Colcock and Judge Magrath, who were sent to Columbia by their fellow-citizens in the low country, to hasten the slow movement of the wisdom assembled in the State Capital. Their message was, they said: “Go ahead, dissolve the Union, and be done with it, or it will be worse for you. The fire in the rear is hottest.” And yet people talk of the politicians leading! Everywhere that I have been people have been complaining bitterly of slow and lukewarm public leaders.

Judge Magrath is a local celebrity, who has been stretched across the street in effigy, showing him tearing off his robes of office. The painting is in vivid colors, the canvas huge, and the rope hardly discernible. He is depicted with a countenance flaming with contending emotions—rage, disgust, and disdain. We agreed that the time had now come. We had talked so much heretofore. Let the fire-eaters have it out. Massachusetts and South Carolina are always coming up before the footlights.

As a woman, of course, it is easy for me to be brave under the skins of other people; so I said: “Fight it out. Bluffton¹ has brought on a fever that only bloodletting will cure.” My companions breathed fire and fury, but I dare say they were amusing themselves with my dismay, for, talk as I would, that I could not hide.

At Kingsville we encountered James Chesnut, fresh from Columbia, where he had resigned his seat in the United States Senate the day before. Said some one spitefully, ”Mrs. Chesnut does not look at all resigned.” For once in her life, Mrs. Chesnut held her tongue: she was dumb. In the high-flown style which of late seems to have gotten into the very air, she was offering up her life to the cause.

We have had a brief pause. The men who are all, like Pickens,² “insensible to fear,” are very sensible in case of small-pox. There being now an epidemic of small-pox in Columbia, they have adjourned to Charleston. In Camden we were busy and frantic with excitement, drilling, marching, arming, and wearing high blue cockades. Red sashes, guns, and swords were ordinary fireside accompaniments. So wild were we, I saw at a grand parade of the home-guard a woman, the wife of a man who says he is a secessionist per se, driving about to see the drilling of this new company, although her father was buried the day before.

Edward J. Pringle writes me from San Francisco on November 30th: “I see that Mr. Chesnut has resigned and that South Carolina is hastening into a Convention, perhaps to secession. Mr. Chesnut is probably to be President of the Convention. I see all of the leaders in the State are in favor of secession. But I confess I hope the black Republicans will take the alarm and submit some treaty of peace that will enable us now and forever to settle the question, and save our generation from the prostration of business and the decay of prosperity that must come both to the North and South from a disruption of the Union. However, I won’t speculate. Before this reaches you, South Carolina may be off on her own hook—a separate republic.”

¹A reference to what was known as “the Bluffton movement” of 1844, in South Carolina. It aimed at secession, but was voted down.

²Francis W. Pickens, Governor of South Carolina, 1860-62. He had been elected to Congress in 1834 as a Nullifier, but had voted against the “Bluffton movement.” From 1858 to 1860, he was Minister to Russia. He was a wealthy planter and had fame as an orator.

Sunday, Dec.—, 1860.—In this season for peace I had hoped for a lull in the excitement, yet this day has been full of bitterness. “Come, G.,” said Mrs. F. at breakfast, “leave your church for to-day and come with us to hear Dr. —— on the situation. He will convince you.” “It is good to be convinced,” I said; “I will go.” The church was crowded to suffocation with the élite of New Orleans. The preacher’s text was, “Shall we have fellowship with the stool of iniquity which frameth mischief as a law?” … The sermon was over at last and then followed a prayer …Forever blessed be the fathers of the Episcopal Church for giving us a fixed liturgy! When we met at dinner Mrs. F. exclaimed, “Now, G., you heard him prove from the Bible that slavery is right and that therefore secession is. Were you not convinced?” I said, “I was so busy thinking how completely it proved too that Brigham Young is right about polygamy that it quite weakened the force of the argument for me.” This raised a laugh, and covered my retreat.

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Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in New Orleans, the diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were often used instead of full names — and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials.

1860. December 19.—The message of the President was sent in to Congress on the 4th instant. I got it yesterday. The President has been weighed down by the vast load he carries; his sagacity, firmness, and patriotism have given way under the appalling condition of the country and the violence in his Cabinet. He argues too much, becomes inconsistent, and does vastly more harm than good. His propositions of compromise, as stated, he must know to be impracticable. The Northern States never will repeal their Personal Liberty statutes while the Fugitive Slave Law remains in its present shape. They profess not to be opposed to the Constitution, but to this statutory form of carrying it into execution. It undoubtedly has provisions capable of amendment. These provisions may not make it unconstitutional, but may shock the feelings of many and render it odious. In order to save the Union, the Committee in the House, composed of one from each State, should report on this point, first, an amendment of the law, and, second, the repeal of the acts founded on it. There should be no concession asked except upon compensatory ground; no victory should be awarded to either section. The idea of restoring the old Missouri line, itself a palpable violation of the Constitution, is a weak suggestion. . . .

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FORT MOULTRIE, S. C., December 9, 1860

(Received A. G. O., December 12.)

Col. S. COOPER Adjutant-General:

[SIR :] I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, and to state that I have directed the A. A. Q. M. to hire men to perform police and fatigue duty at this post, and to send on a special estimate for funds to pay them.

I hear that the attention of the South Carolinians appears to be turned more toward Fort Sumter than it was, and it is deemed probable that their first act will be to take possession of that work.

The idea of attempting to take this place by a coup de main appears not to be so favorably regarded as it was, and they will perhaps determine to besiege us. To enable them to do this they must procure heavy guns, which they can get (if not from Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney) from Pulaski or some other southern fort. Anything that can be done which will cause delay in their attack will give time for deliberation and negotiation, and may, by God’s blessing, save the shedding of blood. I would therefore respectfully suggest whether it might not be advisable and prudent to cause the ammunition, except what may be needed for the defense of this fort and the armament of Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney, to be destroyed or rendered unserviceable before they are permitted to fall into their hands. The same may be advisable at those forts from whence supplies might be brought to Charleston. Fort Sumter is a tempting prize, the value of which is well known to the Charlestonians, and once in their possession, with its ammunition and armament and walls uninjured and garrisoned properly, it would set our Navy at defiance, compel me to abandon this work, and give them the perfect command of this harbor.

Captain Foster having received the pintle stones for his bastionette guns, will now finish the one he has been at work on. Our supply of provisions has not arrived. I hope that it will soon be in. If we do not hear of it in a few days, I shall have to direct the A. A. commissary to make some purchases in Charleston.

I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

Private

SPRINGFIELD, ILL.,

Dec 8, 1860.

Hon. Lyman Trumbull,

My Dear Sir: Yours of the 2nd is received. I regret exceedingly the anxiety of our friends in New York, of whom you write; but it seems to me the sentiment in that state which sent a united delegation to Chicago in favor of Gov. Seward ought not and must not be snubbed, as it would be, by the omission to offer Gov. S. a place in the Cabinet. I will myself take care of the question of “corrupt jobs” and see that justice is done to all our friends of whom you wrote as well as others.

I have written Mr. Hamlin on this very subject of Gov. S. and requested him to consult fully with you.

He will show you my note and enclosures to him; and then please act as therein requested.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 1860.

My dear Sir: With your permission I shall at the proper time nominate you to the Senate for confirmation as Secretary of State for the United States. Please let me hear from you at your own earliest convenience.

Your friend and obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

(Private and confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, December 8, 186o.

My dear Sir: In addition to the accompanying and more formal note inviting you to take charge of the State Department, I deem it proper to address you this. Rumors have got into the newspapers to the effect that the department named above would be tendered you as a compliment, and with the expectation that you would decline it. I beg you to be assured that I have said nothing to justify these rumors. On the contrary, it has been my purpose, from the day of the nomination at Chicago, to assign you, by your leave, this place in the administration. I have delayed so long to communicate that purpose in deference to what appeared to me a proper caution in the case. Nothing has been developed to change my view in the premises; and I now offer you the place in the hope that you will accept it, and with the belief that your position in the public eye, your integrity, ability, learning, and great experience, all combine to render it an appointment preëminently fit to be made.

One word more. In regard to the patronage sought with so much eagerness and jealousy, I have prescribed for myself the maxim, “Justice to all”; and I earnestly beseech your coöperation in keeping the maxim good.

Your friend and obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

December 8th, 1860.—Miss Sadie Talbot, our new governess, arrived today. She and her sister are Southern girls from Easton, Maryland.

They are tall blondes and very pretty, I think. They have the little touch in their speech which most Marylanders whom I have known have had, and it sounds real sweet from them though it sounds affected in a great big man like Mr. Burton. These young ladies were educated at Poughkeepsie, New York, but they are real Southerners, though they are not in favor of secession; but they are quite young and full of fun.

The legislature met in Tallahassee in November and Governor Perry advised that they call a convention to meet January 3rd, to consider whether Florida shall follow South Carolina’s example or not; so I suppose we will soon know our fate. Florida is a big state in area but her people are comparatively few and the settlements are far apart. Florida is a young state, too; she is only one year older than I am, so she must be almost a child still. The question is, can she stand alone? I hear all the pros and cons of this movement from both the Secession and the Union side, so I am afraid I am sometimes a little mixed as to politics. Anyway Christmas is much more interesting so I will think about that. I like Miss Sadie, (she says we must call her Miss Sadie and it is best for her sister is Miss Talbot).

[COPY.]

Columbia, December 7, 1860.

[STRICTLY  CONFIDENTIAL.]

My Dear Sir: With a sincere desire to prevent a collision of force, I have thought proper to address you directly and truthfully on points of deep and immediate interest.

I am authentically informed that the forts in Charleston harbor are now being thoroughly prepared to turn, with effect, their guns upon the interior and the city. Jurisdiction was ceded by this State expressly for the purpose of external defence from foreign invasion, and not with any view that they should be turned upon the State.

In an ordinary case of mob rebellion, perhaps it might be proper to prepare them for sudden outbreak. But when the people of the State, in sovereign convention assembled, determine to resume their original powers of separate and independent sovereignty, the whole question is changed, and it is no longer an act of rebellion. I, therefore, most respectfully urge that all work on the forts be put a stop to for the present, and that no more force may be ordered there.

The regular Convention of the people of the State of South Carolina, legally and properly called, under our Constitution, is now in session, deliberating upon the gravest and most momentous questions, and the excitement of the great masses of the people is great, under a sense of deep wrongs, and a profound necessity of doing something to preserve the peace and safety of the State.

To spare the effusion of blood, which no human power may be able to prevent, I earnestly beg your immediate consideration of all the points I call your attention to. It is not improbable that, under orders from the Commandant, or perhaps from the Commander-in-Chief of the army, the alteration and defences of those posts are progressing without the knowledge of yourself or the Secretary of War.

The Arsenal, in the city of Charleston, with the public arms, I am informed, was turned over, very properly, to the keeping and defence of a State force, at the urgent request of the Governor of South Carolina. I would most respectfully, and from a sincere devotion to tie public peace, request that you would allow me to send a small force, not exceeding twenty-five men and an officer, to take possession of Fort Sumter immediately, in order to give a feeling of safety to the community. There are no United States troops in that fort whatever, or perhaps only four or five, at present, besides some additional workmen or laborers, lately employed to put the guns in order. If Fort Sumter could be given to me, as Governor, under a permission similar to that by which the Governor was permitted to keep the Arsenal, with the United States arms, in the city of Charleston, then I think the public mind would be quieted, under a feeling of safety; and as the Convention is now in full authority, it strikes me that could be done with perfect propriety. I need not go into particulars, for urgent reasons will force themselves readily upon your consideration.

If something of the kind be not done, I cannot answer for the consequences.

I send this by a private and confidential gentleman, who is authorized to confer with Mr. Trescott fully, and to receive through him any answer you may think proper to give to this.

I have the honor to be, most respectfully,

Yours, truly,

(Signed) F. W. PICKENS.

To the President of the United States.

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Reports and Resolutions of South Carolina to the General Assembly; published 1861

December 7, 1860, The Charleston Mercury

At one o’clock yesterday, Messrs. E. LAFITTE & CO. Erected a handsome flagstaff, twenty-five feet high on the roof of their office, Savannah Packet wharf, and unfurled a banner at its summit which has been universally admired. The flag has a plain white ground – something like the Hayne and Meeting streets banner – with a green palmetto in the centre and the lone star in the upper inner corner. It was saluted by prolonged cheers from the many friends whom the Messrs. LAFITTE had invited to be present on the occasion, and also by a volley of cannon, fired by the redoubtable SMITH, of shark-killing notoriety, and who proved himself as equally efficient a gunner as a knight of the hook and line. Five guns were fired off – one for South Carolina, for Georgia, for Florida, for Alabama and for Mississippi, and between the intervals of the firing the enthusiastic spectators renewed the cheering.

Messrs. LAFITTE & CO. Then invited their friends…. where they were received most cordially by Capt. PECK, and where a bounteous collation, with the auxiliaries of wine, &c., awaited them. As the guests got on board the Cecile, Capt. PECK hoisted a blood-red banner with a yellow palmetto, which was received with additional marks of enthusiasm.

Indeed, poles, of late, are multiplying almost as fast as banners. We notice that Messrs. CHAFEE & KNAUFF, at No. 135 East Bay, have erected from the second story of their store, a staff, thirty feet in height, and displaying a handsome flag from the summit. The flag is a red ground, with a yellow palmetto; in the centre the lone star and a crescent.

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Note: The flag represented at the top of this post was the closest I could find to that described in the article.  It was the flag of Company C, South Carolina 18th Artillery Battalion during the war.
To a Friend in Paris

New York, Dec. 5, 1860.

We came down to Centre Harbor on the 6th of November (the great day) and there the Republican majorities came rolling in for Abraham Lincoln. Our host in that place was of a practical turn, and, having no artillery and having some rocks to blast in the garden, laid his trains and waited for the news; and when the stage coach came in from Meredith village he “stood by to fire,” and all the rocks went off at once and made a pretty good noise. Georgy and I stopped in New Haven for a visit and had some delicious breezy, rushing, sparkling little sails in the bay and in the sound. We took to the salt water with a keen relish after nearly five months of mountains. Miss Rose Terry was in New Haven. She has just published a little volume of poems, and is writing New England stories for the magazines. Think of our national bird being in danger of splitting at last, like that odious fowl, the Austrian Eagle—a step toward realizing the vision of a “Bell-everett” orator in the late campaign, whose speech I read, and who saw the illustrious biped with “one foot upon the Atlantic shore, one on the golden strand, and one upon the islands of the main!” Not that I care for secession; let them go! We are told we “mustn’t buy too many new dresses this winter,” but still I say no matter —no compromises. Millions for defence, not one cent for tribute. I can live on a straw a day. “ So can I,” Georgy puts in here, “if one end of it is in a sherry cobbler.” But what a sight we must be to other peoples. Just as morning breaks over Italy with sunshine and singing, this evil cloud comes up in our heaven. Must there be a sort of systole and diastole in civilization, and must one nation go down in the balance as another goes up, till the great day that makes all things true? You read all this stuff in the papers: how the North “hurls back with scorn the giant strides of that Upas Tree, the slave power!” and how the South will no longer be “dragged at the chariot wheels of that mushroom, the Northwest!” The money men look blue and the drygoodsy men look black. Charles Rockwell has just gone to Georgia, rather against the advice of some of his friends, for the R’s are stout Republicans and given to being on their own side. Now and then an incident “comes home “that doesn’t get into the papers. Here is one that came under my own knowledge. A young lady, being rather delicate, decided three or four weeks ago to go to her friends in Georgia for the winter. For some reason they could not send for her, or even meet her at Savannah, so she set out alone. During the little voyage there was some talk in the cabin about John Brown. “But we must allow he was a brave man,” she said;—nothing more. The steamer arrived in the night, and she with some others waited on board till morning. Soon after daybreak, while she was making ready to go ashore, three gentlemen presented themselves to her; “understood she had expressed abolition sentiments, regretted the necessity,” etc.—the usual stuff — “if she would consult her safety she would leave immediately by the Northern train; her luggage had already been transferred; they would see her safely to the station.” She denied the charges, told who her relatives were (staunch Democrats), etc., in vain. They, with great politeness, put her into a carriage, escorted her to the station, presented her with a through ticket and sent her home, where she arrived safely, a blazing Abolitionist. [click to continue…]