Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

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FORT MOULTRIE, S. C., December 6, 1860.
(Received A. G. O., December 10.)

Col. S. COOPER,
Adjutant-General U. S. Army:

“Our time is short enough for what we have to do. Should the ordnance stores I have called for or re-enforcements not arrive, in the event of our being attacked I fear that we shall not distinguish ourselves by holding out many days.”

COLONEL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on the 4th, of your communication of the 1st instant. In compliance therewith I went yesterday to the city of Charleston to confer with Colonel Huger, and I called with him upon the mayor of the city, and upon several other prominent citizens. All seemed determined, as far as their influence or power extends, to prevent an attack by a mob on our fort; but all are equally decided in the opinion that the forts must be theirs after secession. I shall nevertheless, knowing how excitable this community is, continue to keep on the qui vive, and, as far as in my power, steadily prepare my command to the uttermost to resist any attack that may be made. As the State will probably declare itself out of the Union in less than two weeks, it seems to me that it would be well to discontinue all engineering work on this fort except such as is necessary to increase its strength. I have not pretended to exercise any control over that department, and have found Captain Foster generally disposed to accede to the suggestions I have ventured to make; and the suggestions I now make are not made in any unkind spirit towards him, as he is compelled to carry out the instructions of his department, but such as I feel it my duty to make, as being held responsible for the defense of this work. One of the bastionettes is nearly completed, now awaiting the arrival of the pintle blocks, without which the embrasure cannot be made. The foundation has only been laid for the other. I certainly think that it is now too late to begin the construction of the second one, and that it would be better to substitute some other flanking arrangement, which can be finished in a few days.

Captain Foster is now sodding the exterior slope of the ditch, and putting muck on the glacis. It seems to me that that work had better be discontinued, and the planking, &c., removed, as it might be used by an investing or attacking force.

In other words, I would now apply our science to devising and placing in front of and on our walls every available means of embarrassing and preventing an enemy scaling our low walls. Anything that will obstruct his advance will be of great advantage to our weak garrison.

Our time is short enough for what we have to do. Should the ordnance stores I have called for or re-enforcements not arrive, in the event of our being attacked I fear that we shall not distinguish ourselves by holding out many days.

I have not yet commenced leveling off the sand hills which, within one hundred and sixty yards to the east, command this fort. Would my doing this be construed into initiating a collision? I would think you also to inform me under what circumstances I would be justified in setting fire to or destroying the houses which afford dangerous shelter to an enemy, and whether I would be justified in firing upon an armed body which may be seen approaching our works.

Captain Foster told me yesterday that he found that the men of his Fort Sumter force, who he thought were perfectly reliable, will not fight if an armed force approaches that work; and I fear that the same may be anticipated from the Castle Pinckney force.

I learn that in consequence of the decayed condition of the carriages at Fort Sumter, the guns have not been mounted there as I reported they were to have been. If that work is not to be garrisoned, the guns certainly ought not to be mounted, as they may be turned upon us.

The remark has, I hear, been repeatedly made in the city that if they need heavy guns, they call get them in forty-eight hours. This, I suppose, refers to their being able to bring them from Fort Pulaski, mouth of the Savannah River.

Colonel Huger designs, I think, leaving Charleston for Washington to-morrow night. He is more hopeful of a settlement of impending difficulties without bloodshed than I am. Hoping in God that he may be right in his opinion,

I am, colonel, respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

To Governor WM. SPRAGUE,

Providence, R.I.

New York, December 6, 1860

My Dear Sir,—The deep solicitude which the events in the South must call forth in the breast of every American citizen induces me to address you these lines.

The secession of South Carolina, which must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact, will inevitably very soon be followed by the secession of all the cotton States, and a consequent dissolution of the whole Confederacy, unless prompt and energetic measures are taken by the leading men of the North, in order to prevent this fearful calamity.

Even the most fervent adherents of the Union in the border States despair of the possibility of maintaining their States within the Union, unless the just grievances of the South are remedied by early and prompt action.

At this moment the patriotic men in the gulf States are using every effort, in order to bring about a joint convention. In this they are violently opposed by the disunionists, who are for immediate and separate action. The latter are undoubtedly in the ascendency, and unless some action is at once taken at the North which will strengthen the hands of our friends, no earthly power can save the Union.

If the programme of the co-operation men, composed of the Bell and Douglas leaders, succeeds, then South Carolina would for the present be the only State which actually secedes. The other gulf States would declare in this convention the conditions upon which they can remain in the Union, and if these cannot be obtained from the conservative spirit of the North, they will follow South Carolina on the 4th of March next.

These conditions are—

1st, The repeal of the unconstitutional personal-liberty bills by those States which have passed them.

2d, The acknowledgment of the equal rights of the South in the Territories.

My own impression is that if, by the spontaneous action of the legislatures of even a portion of the Northern States, in repealing these objectionable laws, a spirit of returning justice were evinced, the question of the Territories might be settled by a compromise, to be embodied in the Constitution, based upon the old Missouri line, to be extended to the Pacific.

You are in the proud and enviable position to lead this movement, which alone can save our beloved Republic from utter ruin and desolation.

The good old State of Rhode Island has been ever foremost in her loyalty and attachment to the Union, and she will, under your guidance, lead her sister States of New England to that path of fraternal equity toward the South, which can alone restore peace and harmony to our distracted country.

If your legislature would, at your recommendation, efface from the statute-book of the State the objectionable personal-liberty bill, her example would soon be followed by all the other States, and this spontaneous act of justice would, I have little doubt, induce Congress to amend the fugitive-slave bill, so as to take from it what is now looked upon by many people of the North as revolting to their feelings.

Prompt and efficient action is, however, indispensable; any delay is fatal in the present state of feeling at the South. My humble suggestion to you would be to convene your legislature at as early a day as practicable. You have it now in your power to earn for yourself the eternal gratitude of every American heart, and a name in the annals of your country more imperishable than that of the proudest conqueror.

I have to crave your pardon for the liberty which I have taken in addressing you these respectful suggestions. The vital importance of the case must plead as my excuse.

My Dear Sir,—The deep solicitude which the events in the South must call forth in the breast of every American citizen induces me to address you these lines.

The secession of South Carolina, which must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact, will inevitably very soon be followed by the secession of all the cotton States, and a consequent dissolution of the whole Confederacy, unless prompt and energetic measures are taken by the leading men of the North, in order to prevent this fearful calamity.

Even the most fervent adherents of the Union in the border States despair of the possibility of maintaining their States within the Union, unless the just grievances of the South are remedied by early and prompt action.

At this moment the patriotic men in the gulf States are using every effort, in order to bring about a joint convention. In this they are violently opposed by the disunionists, who are for immediate and separate action. The latter are undoubtedly in the ascendency, and unless some action is at once taken at the North which will strengthen the hands of our friends, no earthly power can save the Union.

If the programme of the co-operation men, composed of the Bell and Douglas leaders, succeeds, then South Carolina would for the present be the only State which actually secedes. The other gulf States would declare in this convention the conditions upon which they can remain in the Union, and if these cannot be obtained from the conservative spirit of the North, they will follow South Carolina on the 4th of March next.

These conditions are—

1st, The repeal of the unconstitutional personal-liberty bills by those States which have passed them.

Concord, N. H., Dec. 6,1860.

My Deak Sir,—Your letter of November 30 I found here on my return from Hillsboro yesterday, and also several northern papers containing my letter to Secretary Thompson.

Since the action of the Vermont Legislature upon the report of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives, declaring the ‘personal liberty bill’ of that State to be clearly unconstitutional, I am in despair with regard to any amendment of errors at the North, so far as the question of slavery is concerned. Reason has surrendered its throne, all sense of patriotism, justice, and right seems to have departed forever from the black Republican portion of the country. If the legislature of this State were convened to-day, I do not believe that they would repeal their unconstitutional laws. When I say this you will understand that I think the Union has already reached its termination.

It seems to me that few men in this crisis suffer so keenly as I do. With regard to pecuniary loss, it is nothing. I do not take it into the account. It is not worth considering. We can all have bread, if we will work for it, but we shall never have again the glorious ensign of our country, which has been the object of our just admiration, the type of our power, and the shield of our protection the world over.

Your friend,

Franklin Pierce.

New York, Dec. 5, 1860.

We came down to Centre Harbor on the 6th of November (the great day) and there the Republican majorities came rolling in for Abraham Lincoln. Our host in that place was of a practical turn, and, having no artillery and having some rocks to blast in the garden, laid his trains and waited for the news; and when the stage coach came in from Meredith village he “stood by to fire,” and all the rocks went off at once and made a pretty good noise. Georgy and I stopped in New Haven for a visit and had some delicious breezy, rushing, sparkling little sails in the bay and in the sound. We took to the salt water with a keen relish after nearly five months of mountains. Miss Rose Terry was in New Haven. She has just published a little volume of poems, and is writing New England stories for the magazines. Think of our national bird being in danger of splitting at last, like that odious fowl, the Austrian Eagle—a step toward realizing the vision of a “Bell-everett” orator in the late campaign, whose speech I read, and who saw the illustrious biped with “one foot upon the Atlantic shore, one on the golden strand, and one upon the islands of the main!” Not that I care for secession; let them go! We are told we “mustn’t buy too many new dresses this winter,” but still I say no matter —no compromises. Millions for defence, not one cent for tribute. I can live on a straw a day. “ So can I,” Georgy puts in here, “if one end of it is in a sherry cobbler.” But what a sight we must be to other peoples. Just as morning breaks over Italy with sunshine and singing, this evil cloud comes up in our heaven. Must there be a sort of systole and diastole in civilization, and must one nation go down in the balance as another goes up, till the great day that makes all things true? You read all this stuff in the papers: how the North “hurls back with scorn the giant strides of that Upas Tree, the slave power!” and how the South will no longer be “dragged at the chariot wheels of that mushroom, the Northwest!” The money men look blue and the drygoodsy men look black. Charles Rockwell has just gone to Georgia, rather against the advice of some of his friends, for the R’s are stout Republicans and given to being on their own side. Now and then an incident “comes home” that doesn’t get into the papers. Here is one that came under my own knowledge. A young lady, being rather delicate, decided three or four weeks ago to go to her friends in Georgia for the winter. For some reason they could not send for her, or even meet her at Savannah, so she set out alone. During the little voyage there was some talk in the cabin about John Brown. “But we must allow he was a brave man,” she said;—nothing more. The steamer arrived in the night, and she with some others waited on board till morning. Soon after daybreak, while she was making ready to go ashore, three gentlemen presented themselves to her; “understood she had expressed abolition sentiments, regretted the necessity,” etc.—the usual stuff — “if she would consult her safety she would leave immediately by the Northern train; her luggage had already been transferred; they would see her safely to the station.” She denied the charges, told who her relatives were (staunch Democrats), etc., in vain. They, with great politeness, put her into a carriage, escorted her to the station, presented her with a through ticket and sent her home, where she arrived safely, a blazing Abolitionist.

Thanksgiving day is lately past, and the burden of the sermons was peace, peace and concession. Mr. Beecher preached a tremendous Rights-of-Man and Laws-of-God sermon, and I was told that once when a fine apostrophe to freedom came in, and there were movements to hush signs of enthusiasm, he paused a moment, and said in his peculiar manner: “Oh, it isn’t Sunday!” and all the great audience broke into long applause. And why not? In the Church’s early days they used to applaud and shout “Pious Chrysostom!” “Worthy the Priesthood!” And in the meantime: Garibaldi! The word is a monument and a triumphal song. I should like to have one of the turnips from that island farm of Caprera. Now, when the “deeds are so few and the men so many “it is surely a great thing to find a noble deed to do, and to do it! What a scene that was, the meeting and the crowning at Speranzano; for that was the real crowning, when Garibaldi said to Victor, “King of Italy!” We fairly cried — don’t laugh — over that scene. And now he is like Coleridge’s Knight:—

“In kingly court,

Who having won all guerdons in the sport

Glides out of view, and whither none can find.”

While I am writing they are screaming “President Buchanan’s message “ in the streets. I capture an extra and try to make “head and tail” of it for you, without success. Our family friends are snugly settled in Rome, and “as quiet as in North Conway.” Baby Bertha begins to speak, and her first articulate word is “Viva!”

CHARLESTON, S.C., December 4, 1860.

Col. R. E. DE RUSSY,
Commanding Corps of Engineers:

“The plan of the leaders in this State appears to be, from all that I can see and hear, first, to demand the forts of the General Government, after secession, and then, if refused, to take them by force of arms. A quite large party is in favor of not waiting to ask the General Government, but to summon the immediate commanders, and, if refused, to attack at once.”

COLONEL: I have been obliged to vary the plan which I indicated in my last letters as the one I intended to follow in order to carry out the wishes of the Department concerning the security of the works under my charge. In consequence of recent developments of the state of feeling among my men, I do not now judge it proper to give them any military instruction, or to place arms in their hands; at least this is the case with reference to the men at Fort Sumter. I do not think that any of them will go so far in the defense of public property as to fight an armed body of the citizens of this State. I ascertained this for the first time, to-day, of the men in Fort Sumter, where I had been confident that I could rely in any emergency, at least upon the Baltimore mechanics, about fifty in number.

But the overseer ascertained last night that they were disinclined to use force to resist an attempt to seize the fort on the part of the citizen soldiers of the State, although willing to resist a mob. The men in Castle Pinckney, placed there as I intended, on the 3d instant, being picked men, may prove more reliable. But the feeling here in regard to secession is become so strong that almost all are entirely influenced by it. I therefore judge it best to suspend all idea of arming them at present. I may mention that I exercised as much care as possible in placing this working party in Castle Pinckney, so as not to give cause for apprehension of arming to the citizens. The greatest prudence was exercised, and the best men placed there, under charge of a prudent and reliable officer, Lieutenant Davis. Every precaution is also taken at Fort Sumter, where Lieutenant Snyder has taken up his quarters. Having done thus much, which is all I can do in this respect, I feel that I have done my duty, and that if any overt act takes place, no blame can properly attach to me. I regret, however, that sufficient soldiers are not in this harbor to garrison these two works. The Government will soon have to decide the question whether to maintain them or to give them up to South Carolina. If it be decided to maintain them, troops must instantly be sent, and in large numbers. If it be decided to give them up, the present arrangement will answer very well; only I should be informed, in order that I may know how to act.

At present I have given orders to Lieutenants Snyder and Davis to resist to the utmost any attempt or any demand on the forts in which they are stationed.

The plan of the leaders in this State appears to be, from all that I can see and hear, first, to demand the forts of the General Government, after secession, and then, if refused, to take them by force of arms. A quite large party is in favor of not waiting to ask the General Government, but to summon the immediate commanders, and, if refused, to attack at once. All of this is not, of course, strictly in the line of my profession; still, I judge it proper to write you fully and plainly, so that you may know exactly how we are placed. Here in Fort Moultrie the two companies of the garrison having dwindled to half their proper size, are so weak that Major Anderson demands all the auxiliary defense that I can give him. I am now digging a wet ditch around the work, which, although necessarily shallow from the quicksand, will more than double the difficulty of scaling the walls. The major also requires a fraise to be placed around the coping, but I cannot commence it until I finish the work in hand.

clip_image001I shall to-morrow complete the “cut” at the northwest angle, which I have enlarged somewhat in the form of a bastionette, by building straight up from the foundation a wall at the angle extending ten feet from the angle on each face, and then uniting by oblique returns with the very sloping face of the scarp wall. This gives a very excellent position for four or more muskets, to flank the west face of the work. The marginal sketch gives an imperfect idea of it. It is singular that a small cut, as indicated on the map in the Engineer Office,  was originally built at this angle, but subsequently, and apparently not many years since, destroyed by breaking off the upper part of the side walls, throwing the débris into the cut, and covering the parapet over it. I completed to-day the bastionette at the southwest angle, except the embrasures, the stones and some of the irons for which have not  yet been received. Before taking down the temporary bastionette at the southeast angle and commencing the permanent one, I shall, for the greater security of the small garrison, run out a wooden machicoulis gallery over the angle of the wall, and also complete the pointing of all large crevices in the scarp.

The posterns on the east and west curtains have been bricked up at Major Anderson’s request, as he felt too weak to use them for sorties, and as the doors might be burst in, both the iron and wood work being old and defective.

I have been liberal of assistance in increasing the defensive capacities of the fort, for I felt that the necessity required it. I have about 125 men at work here now, and shall continue the same number for two or three days, until I complete the ditch. On Fort Sumter I have about 115, and at Castle Pinckney 30, making a total of 260 men employed. The first of the embrasure stones for Fort Sumter having been received, the embrasures of the second tier will be immediately commenced.

Very respectfully, yours,

J. G. FOSTER,

Captain of Engineers.

1860. December 3.—The news brought by the steamer from America is exciting. The political storm rages fiercely in the South, taking a reckless direction for secession, and produces a financial panic which cannot pass away without effecting a widespread ruin. The successful Republican party at the Presidential election are striving to appease and propitiate, but having, during the canvass, taken the “irrepressible conflict” ground, and having had the aid of the Garrisonian Radicals, who denounce the Constitution as a “League with hell,” it seems natural that the South should regard their defeat as involving a destruction of their property and rights. If I could perceive among the leading men in the agitation of the South any staid, judicious statesmen, I should think the Union lost. I see only such uniformly violent, effervescing, and unsuccessful ranters as Yancey, Rhett, Keitt, Toombs, and I conclude that the local movements will yet be settled by the ballast near the keelson of the ship.

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FORT MOULTRIE, S.C., December 3, 1860.

Col. S. COOPER,

Adjutant-General U. S. A.:

“Hoping that everything may go on smoothly here for some time longer at least, and assuring you that I shall do everything in my power to add to the strength of my defenses…,”

COLONEL: Captains Doubleday and Seymour said to-day that when they gave me their opinions a few days ago on the feasibility of securing reliable men here to perform police and fatigue duty they did not think of some discharged soldiers, who they now say could be hired for that purpose. My opinion, as expressed, that I doubted whether any reliable men could be hired here, was based upon their opinions and upon my knowledge of the deep interest and excitement of the populace here.

I shall be pleased, then, to receive authority and instructions to employ eight or ten men for the purposes suggested. This will give one relief for my guard, garrison, and battery, or interior.

Captain Foster has just reported that he left Lieutenant Davis and twenty of the detachment of laborers, designed to make repairs in Castle Pinckney, in that work, with one month’s supply of provision.

Fourteen men will be added to that party to-morrow. The captain spoke of his having placed Lieutenant Davis and the party in the Castle whilst in the city, and he said that there was not the least appearance of excitement about it.

Lieutenant Davis has been cautioned to act with the greatest discretion and caution.

Hoping that everything may go on smoothly here for some time longer at least, and assuring you that I shall do everything in my power to add to the strength of my defenses,

I am, colonel, respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major of U. S. Army.

We publish in our present number the portraits of three of the leading spirits in the Secession movement in the South.

James Chesnut, Jun., of South Carolina.

Jas. Chesnut, Jr. Senator from Camden, S.C., was, we believe, the first who resigned his seat in obedience to what he deemed the call of honor and duty.  His term of office does not expire until the year 1865.

Robert Toombs, of Georgia.

Robert Toombs, of Washington, Wilkes county, Georgia, has been for many years before the people in a public capacity.  First in the Creek war, where he distinguished himself; afterwards in the Legislature of his State, and then from 1845 to 1853 in the House of Representatives. He was then elected to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate, and was re-elected at the expiration of the term.  He only awaits the action of his State before resigning his seat; he is actuated by the same principles as Senator Chesnut, but less precipitate.  He present term does not expire until 1865.

Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia.

While the whole country is echoing with rumors and cries of secession, there is one man bold enough to stand forward and, in the height of a popular political excitement almost unprecedented, speak soothing words of peace, and endeavor, by all the power of his eloquence and all the weight of of his position, to throw oil upon the troubled waters, that discontent may vanish and harmony prevail.  It is no common man who thus endeavors to stem the tide of public opinion, and takes the unpopular side at a moment when the ultra man is almost deified by the enthusiastic many.  Alexander H. Stephens is the statesman who assumed this position, a position which cannot fail to have its weight with the thinking and wealthy men of the South.  Mr. Stephens was invited to speak in the House of Representatives of Georgia, on Wednesday evening, the 14th inst.  After reviewing the position of the country, he said – “The first question that presents itself is, shall the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States?  My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly and earnestly of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union.  It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the constitution of the country.  To make a point of resistance to the government – to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected – puts us in the wrong.  We are pledged to maintain the constitution.”

He was decidedly in favor of remaining in the Union for strong and cogent reasons; he showed the strong opposing power to the coming President in the Senate, and also that the majority in the House of Representatives was against him, deducing from these facts that it was manifestly the interest of the South not to secede, but to fight the constitutional fight for the maintenance of their right in the National Legislative Halls.  His speech throughout was eminently patriotic and practical, and frequently during the delivery and at the close Mr. Stephens was greeted with loud and enthusiastic cheering.  We do not doubt Mr. Stephens’ speech in the Legislative Halls of Georgia will have a most soothing and tranquilizing effect upon the whole country.

New Orleans, Dec. 1, 1860. — I understand it now. Keeping journals is for those who can not, or dare not, speak out. So I shall set up a journal, being only a rather lonely young girl in a very small and hated minority. On my return here in November, after a foreign voyage and absence of many months, I found myself behind in knowledge of the political conflict, but heard the dread sounds of disunion and war muttered in threatening tones. Surely no native-born woman loves her country better than I love America. The blood of one of its revolutionary patriots flows in my veins, and it is the Union for which he pledged his “life, fortune, and sacred honor” that I love, not any divided or special section of it. So I have been reading attentively and seeking light from foreigners and natives on all questions at issue. Living from birth in slave countries, both foreign and American, and passing through one slave insurrection in early childhood, the saddest and also the pleasantest features of slavery have been familiar. If the South goes to war for slavery, slavery is doomed in this country. To say so is like opposing one drop to a roaring torrent. This is a good time to follow St. Paul’s advice that women should refrain from speaking, but they are speaking more than usual and forcing others to speak against their will.

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Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in New Orleans, the diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were often used instead of full names — and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials.

At this time, when the attention of the whole country is centered upon the gallant State of South Carolina, in speculation as to the course she will pursue, it will be both seasonable and interesting to present some views in the city of Charleston, where the secession seems to be vigorous and demonstrative.  We have selected a few sketches of the prominent buildings, in advance of other illustrations of these stirring times of more vivid interest.

The Government Arsenal in in Charleston, S.C. – This extensive, handsome and important building, which we illustrate this week, is at the present time an object of peculiar interest.  In the present state of popular excitement in Charleston, this great depot of arms and ammunition is watched with great care and peculiar jealousy.  It was reported on the 10th, that an attempt had been to remove the arms, &c., to Fort Moultrie, but had been resisted by the people.  A later report states that it had been seized by the people, but the report was entirely unfounded.

The Government Arsenal in in Charleston, S.C.

Secession Meeting at the Mills House. – We present in connection with the present secession movement in the South, a sketch of an enthusiastic meeting in favor of secession, held in front of the popular hotel, the Mills House.  The speeches were decidedly in favor of immediate secession, and every Southern sentiment was cheered most vociferously.

Secession Meeting at the Mills House.