Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

(Private and confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 29, 1860.

My dear Sir: Yours of the 26th is just receieved. Your suggestion that I in a certain event shall write a letter setting forth my conservative views and intentions is certainly a very worthy one. But would it do any good? If I were to labor a month I could not express my conservative views and intentions more clearly and strongly than they are expressed in our platform and in my many speeches already in print and before the public. And yet even you, who do occasionally speak of me in terms of personal kindness, give no prominence to these oft-repeated expressions of conservative views and intentions, but busy yourself with appeals to all conservative men to vote for Douglas,—to vote any way which can possibly defeat me,—thus impressing your readers that you think I am the very worst man living. If what I have already said has failed to convince you, no repetition of it would convince you. The writing of your letter, now before me, gives assurance that you would publish such a letter from me as you suggest; but, till now, what reason had I to suppose the “Louisville Journal,” even, would publish a repetition of that which is already at its command, and which it does not press upon the public attention?

And now, my friend,—for such I esteem you personally,—do not misunderstand me. I have not decided that I will not do substantially what you suggest. I will not forbear from doing so merely on punctilio and pluck. If I do finally abstain, it will be because of apprehension that it would do harm. For the good men of the South—and I regard the majority of them as such—I have no objection to repeat seventy and seven times. But I have bad men to deal with, both North and South; men who are eager for something new upon which to base new misrepresentations; men who would like to frighten me, or at least to fix upon me the character of timidity and cowardice. They would seize upon almost any letter I could write as being an “awful coming down.” I intend keeping my eye upon these gentlemen, and to not unnecessarily put any weapons in their hands.

Yours truly,                                                                 A. LINCOLN.

[The following indorsement appears on the back:]

(Confidential.)

The within letter was written on the day of its date, and on reflection withheld till now. It expresses the views I still entertain.

A. LINCOLN.

City of New York.
Astor House, Oct 28, 1860

Dear Sir:

John D. DefreesI am here on business, but shall be at home in a few days.

Inclosed I send you a letter written by me and the comments upon it by the Herald of this city. In its endeavor to make something out of it the Herald assigns to me the position of a “confidential friend” to you.– There is nothing in the letter intimating that such a relation exists between us, and, certainly, no act or word of mine, on any occasion, could give rise to such an impression. I write you this for fear that you might, possibly, think I had said or done something to create such an impression, trusting believing, at the same time, that your acquaintance with me is sufficient to answer you that I could not stoop to an such an act.

The letter itself is but a plain statement of the “Republican Gospel” as I understand it; and, I think it will meet the approval of the Bishops of our Church everywhere!

You notice that Cobb1 and others have been here to try to create a panic among the money capitalists so as to affect the election in this State! It will give us strength instead of weakness. Our majority in this State will be over 80.000! In Pennsylvania it will be over 50.000! Our State will be over 20.000. In short we will have all the free States except possibly California.

I saw Wigfall,2 Senator from Texas, yesterday. He said that S. Carolina, Alabama & Mississippi would be out of the Union in less than 30 days! He is as rabid as a lunatic. They will cool off before the 4th of March next.

Yours truly,

Jno. D. Defrees

____

¹ Howell Cobb, a prominent Georgia politician, was a member of the U.S. House of Representaives (1845-51, 1855-57), governor of his state (1853-55) and Secretary of the Treasury in James Buchanan’s cabinet (1857-60). Though he favored sectional compromise and the preservation of the Union during the 1850s, Cobb became an advocate of secession after Lincoln’s election and resigned from his cabinet post a few days after issuing a public letter in which he urged secession. Cobb helped organize the Confederate government and served in the Confederate army, where he rose to the rank of major general.

² Louis Wigfall had been an advocate of secession since 1844 and moved from his native South Carolina to Texas in 1848. Wigfall was active in state politics and elected to the U.S. Senate in 1859, where he advocated a federal slave code for the territories and supported Breckinridge in the 1860 presidential campaign. During the Civil War, Wigfall attained the rank of brigadier general in the Confederate army and served in the Confederate Senate.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 27, 1860.

Hon. ARCHIBALD MCLEAN, Mayor, Fayetteville, N.C.

SIR: I have received your communication of the 25th instant at the hands of Mr. Fuller, and at once reply by saying that the guard you desire shall be furnished as soon as it can be done. There may be delay in meeting your wishes in consequence of the difficulty of finding troops that are available at once.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant

JOHN B. FLOYD,
Secretary of War.

(Private and confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 26, 1860.

My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 10th was duly received, for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have determined, in case of Republican success at the approaching presidential election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, South, for the purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real movement of this sort in the army would leak out and become known to you. In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of it.                                  Yours very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

TOWN OF FAYETTEVILLE, N. C.,
October 25,   1860.

Hon. J. B. Floyd, Secretary of War

SIR : In accordance with their wishes I indorse the request submitted to me by a number of our most respectable citizens, setting forth their reasons for asking that troops may be put in charge of the United States Arsenal at this place. Concurring generally in the view that wherever there is a large depository of arms and munition there should be adequate force for their protection, I respectfully submit the petition for your consideration. I may mention that the subject has been presented to the worthy officer in command, and I beg to refer you to the inclosed copies of the correspondence between us.
Hoping the subject may command your early attention,

……… I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

ARCHIBALD McLEAN, Mayor.

Conditions of Affairs at the Navy-Yards.

Matters at the different Navy-Yards, notwithstanding the number of vessels ordered for sea, are comparatively dull. This arises from the small appropriations made by Congress for purely yard work. At New-York, (the sum granted for which was $20,000,) there is hardly anything doing except on ships. The launching-ways are receiving a few finishing touches, a sewer is being sunk, and a small shot-rack is building behind the marine barracks. The Vandalia occupies a large gang, and so does the Wabash, which is still in dock. The Roanoke, North Carolina, Perry, Brandywine and Potomac are in statu quo.

At Boston the Mississippi is in hands, and will be reported ready for further orders in a few weeks. The Colorado is in a state of thorough readiness for sea-going preparations; the Minnesota is nearly in the same state; the Franklin takes up her old quarters, waiting the “conversion” process, and the Ohio and Virginia remain as they have been for years. There is little other than ship work going on at the premises. The Boston appropriation was $15,000.

Philadelphia is not remarkably dull, owing to the variety of things to be done for the corvettes Jamestown and Saratoga. There are about 400 men employed in the Yard, and the disbursements for labor do not probably exceed $30,000 monthly. The St. Lawrence frigate, flagship of the Brazil squadron in 1857-8-9; and the steamer Princeton, are the other craft in the stream. Philadelphia got $15,000 also for the year’s yard expenses.

At Norfolk, since the departure of the Richmond, the Pensacola and Germantown afford work for a fair force. The Merrimack steamer, line-of-battle-ships Columbus, New-York, (not launched,) Pennsylvania, Delaware, frigates Raritan and Columbia are in ordinary. The Norfolk yard has $69,000 to dispose of in the twelve months ending next July.

At Portsmouth there is little doing, and little funds to do it with. The corvette Cumberland is in commission, and will leave for New-York in a few days. The Santee is on the stocks. $10,000 was considered a sufficient sum for Portsmouth. The sloops Macedonian and Marion, recently returned from sea, are in the river.

At Washington the machinery of the Pensacola is the chief business going on. The removal of the Naval Monument occupied the hands of the Yard for a short time recently. The $17,000 given for work at the Washington Station would seem too liberal.

The laborers at Pensacola are mostly idle. The Fulton is the only vessel likely to give them anything to do, $10,000 were laid aside for this Yard. At Sackett’s Harbor and Mare Island nothing of interest is going on.

The Washington correspondent of an “enterprising” cotemporary says that our account of the doings of the Naval Board, showing that almost without exception none but line-of-battle ships would be recommended for conversion into steamers, was unfounded. When the official report appears “Jenkins” will find that he is mistaken.

Washington, October 24, 1860.

Hon. John B. Floyd,

Secretary of War:

Sir : Being about to furnish the President with some statistics in reference to the unprecedented drought which has afflicted Kansas Territory for more than fourteen months, I have to request that you will favor me with replies to the following queries, viz:

1st. What amount of rain has fallen in that Territory during the last fourteen months?

2d. What has been the state of the atmosphere ?

Together with such comments as you may deem proper to submit as to the causes of the existing famine in said Territory.

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully,

THADDEUS HYATT.



Letter To J. C. Lee

(Confidential.)

Springfield, Illinois, October 24, 1860.

Dear Sir: Yours of the 14th was received some days ago, and should have been answered sooner.

I never gave fifty dollars, nor one dollar, nor one cent, for the object you mention, or any such object.

I once subscribed twenty-five dollars, to be paid whenever Judge Logan would decide it was necessary to enable the people of Kansas to defend themselves against any force coming against them from without the Territory, and not by authority of the United States. Logan never made the decision, and I never paid a dollar on the subscription. The whole of this can be seen in the files of the “Illinois Journal,” since the first of June last.

Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

(Confidential.)

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, October 23, 1860.

My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th was duly received. I appreciate your motive when you suggest the propriety of my writing for the public something disclaiming all intention to interfere with slaves or slavery in the States; but in my judgment it would do no good. I have already done this many, many times; and it is in print, and open to all who will read. Those who will not read or heed what I have already publicly said would not read or heed a repetition of it. “If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded though one rose from the dead.”

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

Update note:  This Abraham Lincoln letter was also posted today on The American Civil War blog at civilwar-online.com.

FAYETTEVILLE, N. C., October 23, 1860.

A. MCLEAN, Esq., Mayor

SIR : We, the undersigned, having appended our names to a request to you as mayor of our town, to make application to the War Department at Washington for a company of United States soldiers to act as a guard to the U. S. Arsenal located at this place, and having seen the correspondence that took place between Capt. J. A. J. Bradford, the highly worthy officer in command there, and yourself in relation to the matter, we wish most respectfully to add in this paper some of the reasons moving us in the course we have pursued. Captain Bradford mentions in his note to you that the petitioners do not state to him that the works are menaced from any quarter, and further, that beyond that he has never heard of any. We grant all that. We know of no open attack that is meditated upon the arsenal. If we did, we, as citizens of Fayetteville and North Carolina, would know how to meet it. The raid at Harper’s Ferry, and all subsequent events in the South, teach us that all mischief comes (and is to be especially dreaded on that account) without menace. If any attempt is made on lives and property, it will not be made with light of day and with a warning beforehand, but at the dead hour of night, when all are unsuspecting. And when we look about to know what means the assassin has at hand to enable him to carry out his dreadful designs, we find them stored up in immense quantities at our very doors, in the shape of United States muskets. swords, pistols, &c., with, as we are informed, large quantities of powder, with one single man standing as guard. We think our request not an unreasonable one, when we place it purely on the assumption that you place it—where there are arms there should be a guard to protect them, without any reference whatever to any peculiar state of affairs. It is hardly necessary to say in the close that these views of things grow out of the events most especially that had taken place within a year all over the South, and that all these unfortunate untoward events have come at all times without a menace.

Entertaining these views, we respectfully request that you make application to the War Department for a company of soldiers as before suggested.

………..Very respectfully, yours,

W. G. MATTHEWS et al.