1860. July 21.—The Peers don’t approve their troublesome “chartered libertine” Brougham. Shaftesbury writes. Lansdowne comes to make impressive assurances. And Overstone denounces ore rotundo.
1860. July 20.—Lord Brougham called at ten A.M. I had just time to tell my servant to refuse me. He is so old, and has been so remarkable a man in his day and generation, that I have to remind myself of his offence, and of his aggravating it by the form and manner of his pretended explanation, or I could scarcely screw my mind up to the point of turning him from the door. He came a second time, between twelve and one. I was then at the Kensington Museum, and my secretary, receiving him with the utmost deference, was, nevertheless, silent. He said once or twice, “You know who I am? Lord Brougham, Lord Brougham!” He went to the front door, and then returned in the front office, and remarked, “You know you don’t treat your negroes as well as they are treated in the Brazils!”
The treat I enjoyed at the Kensington Museum was one of the richest I have had in England. The Turners, the Hogarths, the Leslies, etc., are all delightful.
What an admirable reply to Lord Grey is that Fourth of July speech of Everett’s. He has literally overwhelmed Grey in the spirit of truth and moderation.
Received a note from Lord Shaftesbury, hoping that I won’t report to my government the “very foolish and very unwarrantable conduct of Lord Brougham”! This advice is about as silly as Lord Harry’s act, and perhaps much less excusable.
1860. July 18.—Judge Longstreet, the United States Delegate to the International Congress, sent yesterday his written withdrawal, in consequence of Lord Brougham’s conduct.
There is no telling to what this outrage may lead. Brougham is already feeling the weight of a unanimous public opinion. He attempted to-day to make an explanation or apology; said he meant no disrespect to me or my government, and then, with a fatuity scarcely comprehensible, went on to make the matter worse. Is he, on this question of slavery, deranged?
Dr. J—, the delegate sent by the Statistical Association of Massachusetts, called upon me. He said he came from Lord Brougham, and was by him authorized to remove any impression that I might have imbibed that he intended to wound my feelings. I interrupted Dr. J—, and said that I could receive nothing from Lord Brougham at second-hand; if he wished to do what was right and restore the state of things his folly had disturbed, he must make an ample and distinct apology for the insult upon the United States; he must do this in the very body where he had made the attack, and what he said should be sanctioned and approved by that body; if this was satisfactorily done, the personal indignity to myself would melt into nothing before the infirmities of his great age. Alas! that an American citizen should have witnessed, as Dr. J— did, this outrage upon his country, and yet be so bent upon his wretched statistical essay or report as to prefer reading this last to resenting the former. Dr. J— distinguishes: says Lord Brougham’s act don’t touch him, because he is from a free State! “Out upon such half-faced fellowship!”
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 18, 186o.
My dear Sir: It appears to me that you and I ought to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to receive a line from you.
The prospect of Republican success now appears very flattering, so far as I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary?
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln
186o. July 16.—The International Statistical Congress opened its fourth session to-day in this city. I had declined being a member, when invited a month ago by the President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Milner Gibson. On Saturday last the Committee of Organization sent special cards to the members of the Corps diplomatique, and, in order to manifest my respect for the Prince Consort, I went to hear his opening address. Lord Brougham took the opportunity, after the delivery of the address, which was really very good, abruptly to call out to me by name, and hoped I would observe that there was “a negro in the assemblage!” I perceived instantly the grossness of the act, and, seeing the black in the very centre of the philosophers, hadn’t a doubt that it was a premeditated contrivance to provoke me into some unseemly altercation with the coloured personage. I balked that by remaining silent and composed. The gentleman of colour, however, rose, and requested permission of the Prince Consort, as chairman, to thank Lord Brougham for his notice, with an emphatic conclusion, “I am a man.” Query: Is not the government answerable for this insult? Or must it be regarded as purely the personal indecency of Lord Brougham? Curia advisare vult.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 4, 1860.
My dear Doctor: Your very agreeable letter of May 25th was received three days ago. We are just now receiving the first sprinkling of your Oregon election returns—not enough, I think, to indicate the result. We should be too happy if both Logan and Baker should triumph.
Long before this you have learned who was nominated at Chicago. We know not what a day may bring forth, but to-day it looks as if the Chicago ticket will be elected. I think the chances were more than equal that we could have beaten the Democracy united. Divided as it is, its chance appears indeed very slim. But great is Democracy in resources; and it may yet give its fortunes a turn. It is under great temptation to do something; but what can it do which was not thought of, and found impracticable, at Charleston and Baltimore? The signs now are that Douglas and Breckinridge will each have a ticket in every State. They are driven to this to keep up their bombastic claims of nationality, and to avoid the charge of sectionalism which they have so much lavished upon us.
It is an amusing fact, after all Douglas has said about nationality and sectionalism, that I had more votes from the southern section at Chicago than he had at Baltimore. In fact, there was more of the southern section represented at Chicago than in the Douglas rump concern at Baltimore!
Our boy, in his tenth year (the baby when you left), has just had a hard and tedious spell of scarlet fever, and he is not yet beyond all danger. I have a headache and a sore throat upon me now, inducing me to suspect that I have an inferior type of the same thing.
Our eldest boy, Bob, has been away from us nearly a year at school, and will enter Harvard University this month. He promises very well, considering we never controlled him much.
Write again when you receive this. Mary joins in sending our kindest regards to Mrs. H., yourself, and all the family. Your friend as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
July 4th, 1860.—We went to Tallahassee to attend a celebration of our country’s birthday. Brother Amos belongs to the Governor’s Guards, most of the younger men and boys about grown belong to it too. They have handsome blue uniforms and a brass band to play for them to march. It is a cavalry company and all have fine horses; it is needless to say they make a splendid appearance. The color-bearer carried a large silk flag and I was so proud of The Star-spangled Banner. Francis Scott Key, who wrote that beautiful song, was a friend of Grandpa’s and sent him one of the very first copies ever printed; it is bound in Mother’s music book, and she is so proud of it. Today when the company paraded the band played Hail Columbia first but the crowd clamored for The Star-spangled Banner, showing which they loved best. After the parade there was a picnic dinner and a dance on a platform built for the occasion.
All are tired but me, I am so excited over the day’s proceedings that I cannot sleep, so I am writing it up. Some fine speeches were made and politics were left in the background for once. We came home in the cool of the evening and as we rode along the quiet country road we woke the echoes with one patriotic song after another. When I studied English History it seemed to me that our history was not near so interesting as it was and Scotch History was more entertaining than either English or French. Will there ever come a time when the history of the United States of America will fill one or more big volumes?
June 24, 1860.— Yesterday the Democrats put in nomination two tickets at Baltimore. Douglas and Fitzpatrick were nominated by the Northern wing and Breckinridge and Lane by the Southern. Lincoln and Hamlin, nominated by the Republican party, and Bell and Everett, candidates of the “Union” party, have been in the field several weeks. Four tickets for national offices. This is new in my day. My Republican friends are confident that Lincoln and Hamlin will be elected by the people. I have a good deal of apprehension on the subject. I fear the election will go to the House. Let me cipher. There are three hundred and three electoral votes; one hundred and fifty-two are required for a choice. We may count for Lincoln the States carried by Fremont in 1856— eleven States, one hundred and fourteen electoral votes. Add Minnesota four, one hundred and eighteen certain. Pennsylvania, probably, twenty-seven, Oregon, probably, three — one hundred and forty-eight. Four more votes are necessary to elect him. If California, New Jersey, Illinois, or Indiana should go for Lincoln, the vote of either State added to one hundred and forty-eight would elect. But all the following States should, perhaps, be counted doubtful. I will append my view of the chances.
New Jersey (7), Pennsylvania (27), Oregon (4?), Illinois (II), doubtful, but probably for Lincoln. Their vote added to that of the Fremont States would give Lincoln a total of 167 votes.
Indiana (13), California (4), Missouri (9), Delaware (3), doubtful, but probably for Douglas — 29 votes.
Certain for Bell, Kentucky (12), Tennessee (13), Louisiana (6), Maryland (8). Doubtful, but probably for Bell, Virginia (15), North Carolina ( 10). A total of 64 votes.
Certain for Breckinridge, Alabama (9), Arkansas (4), Florida (3), Georgia (10), Mississippi (7), South Carolina (8), Texas (4). A total of 45 votes.
Lincoln’s chance in New Jersey depends on having a small defection in favor of Bell, and an equal or larger defection from Douglas. The same in other States. That is, Douglas will carry almost the whole Democratic vote in all the Northwestern States I think certain. I estimate the defection from him to Breckinridge as follows: In Ohio, Illinois, New Jersey, and Connecticut, three to five thousand each; in Indiana, five to eight thousand; in Pennsylvania, twenty to thirty thousand; in New York, thirty to forty thousand.
On the whole I think Lincoln’s chance the best, but not a moral certainty; that Bell or Breckinridge will be next. All this is on the supposition that Breckinridge will remain a candidate. His withdrawal would change the programme toto cœlo.
Mr. Editor: In this enlightened age, when it is the fashion to build castles in the air, invent beautiful and finely drawn theories; to explain facts beyond our comprehension, and give to all things of insignificances an undue importance, it seems to me, that I will not be thought egotistical, nor bombastic, if I call attention to the modest merits of the above place. Persons ignorant of its unparalleled advantages, in a commercial point of view, have passed by it without deigning to bestow upon it even a passing notice, till lately; and now, that they witness the prosperity of those now engaged here in business, are fain to leave their former localities and settle among us—we say come on.
No less important are its agricultural resources, (the basis of the former), being surrounded by fine lands, occupied by a thrifty and industrious set of farmers; who teem with abundance, and enough to spare, and still there is room for more.
Its locality is such, that it is bound to be the leading town in our county, (Pope), being situated on the route of the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad, and three miles from the Arkansas river.
Town property has increased in value, at least one hundred per cent in the last two years, and our citizens are improving their property rapidly. A beautiful undulating prairie, interspersed here and there with timber in which the feathered tribes hold melodious comports, forms its cite, over which, the “bland breezes” blow in gentle zephyrs, bringing in contact with one’s olfactories the delicious odor of the beautiful flowers in spring.
We have two large dry goods houses doing more business, probably than any four similar houses in the neighboring towns; one lawyer living about half mile off, who could not make a living here, the people are so peaceable, and had to go to farming; four doctors, but poor devils, the people won’t get sick, and they don’t get to give but few pills; it is truly pitiable to see the poor fellows sitting all day long in their offices, waiting for a call till night, then get up, with a sleep looking expression, stretch themselves, yawn, go home and go to bed at night and dream of fat cases they never get; two insignificant groceries, but it is rare you ever see a man drunk at either of them, so we have none of that brawling, quarreling and fighting, so characteristic of small towns.
We also have two blacksmiths, and one wagon shop, and several carpenters, and if one may judge, from the sound of the “roaring bellows and sparkling anvil” they have plenty to do. There is also a good school going on where the “young idea is taught to shoot,” and we have in contemplation the erection of a large building, for a male and female academy. We have no old bachelors, those ‘poor old stags,” and “drones of society,” so we don’t have to bestow any sympathy upon such useless and worthless objects; but if any should have the hardihood to come among us, he would not boast of his single blessedness long, unless he had no heart at all, for the beauty and intelligence of our young ladies are so irresistible that no old bach, nor young one either, has ever been known to live here long without committing matrimony or taking his leave instanter to avoid it.
I fear I am occupying too much of your space, and shall save the rest for some future occasion; but before closing I would remark, that we are mostly dead out Hindman men here, and will give him a tremendous vote next August.
Arkansas.
(Especially confidential.)
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, June 19, 1860.
My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. Follet, Foster & Co.’s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as their public announcement that it is authorized by me. They have fallen into some strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they contemplated publishing a biography, and I certainly did not object to their doing so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facilitate them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent seen by me, my protest that I authorized nothing—would be responsible for nothing. How they could so misunderstand me, passes comprehension. As a matter, wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and opportunity to carefully examine and consider every word of it; and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such time and opportunity. But, in my present position, when, by the lessons of the past, and the united voice of all discreet friends, I can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points upon without end? Were I to do so, the Convention would have a right to re-assemble, and substitute another name for mine.
For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets. I am determined to maintain the position of truly saying I never saw the proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its publication.
Now, do not mistake me. I feel great kindness for Messrs. F., F. & Co.—do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing wrong in their proposed book. I sincerely hope there will not. I barely suggest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the party, bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing—will be responsible for nothing.
Your friend as ever, A. LINCOLN.
