Washington, D. C.
London, July 30, 1861.
My Dear Sir,—I arrived here the day before yesterday, and through the kindness of a mutual friend had an interview of an hour’s duration, last evening, with Lord Palmerstbn, in one of the private galleries of the House of Commons. The length to which his lordship allowed our interview to be prolonged, and the many interrogatories which he put to me, are a striking evidence of the deep interest with which the government watches the progress of events in our country.
Lord Palmerston, after asking me a number of questions about our army and navy, the feeling at the North, etc., wanted also to know whether the feeling of anger and irritation manifested by our people against England for her position of neutrality was still as violent as ever when I left.
I told him that there was no feeling of hostility in the United States against England, but that throughout all classes of people at the North we felt deeply mortified and disappointed when the proclamation of the Queen revealed to us the fact that the people of the United States had not to expect any sympathy on the part of the British government in their struggle for national existence against a rebellious slave oligarchy; I dwelt upon the criminality, unjustifiability, and lawlessness of that rebellion, and compared the tone of the English government and press with the expression of heartfelt sympathy which came across the Atlantic, from the whole American people, at the time of the rebellion in India.
His Lordship listened with earnest attention to my remarks, and said that the British government, by its strict neutrality, did not do any more than what we had done when we would not permit them to enlist a few men in the States during the Crimean war. In the course of the conversation he used this phrase, ” We do not like slavery, but we want cotton, and we dislike very much your Morrill tariff.”
I think this phrase comprises the whole policy of this government in the present war, and from what I have seen and heard since mv arrival, I am more than ever convinced that we have nothing to hope from the sympathy of the English government and people in our struggle. Because this war is not carried on for the abolition of slavery in the Southern States, they try to maintain that the war has nothing to do with slavery: wilfully shutting their eyes to the fact that the attitude of the North with regard to introducing slavery into the Territories is the main ground upon which the Secessionists justify their action. As a distinguished lady, wife of a prominent liberal in Parliament, told me last evening: “I am sorry to say, we have been found wanting in the present emergency, and principles have to vield to interest.”
The news of the patriotic action of Congress, by voting large supplies of men and money, and the successes of General McClellan, have evidently startled people a good deal. Lord Palmerston was very minute in his inquiries on all these points. He also asked what it meant that Congress had passed a law closing the Southern ports, and whether this act of Congress was to stand in lieu of the blockade, which was thus to be given up.
I gave him my individual views on this question, stating that I thought this action was only taken in order to give additional force and Constitutionality to the blockade, and to meet objections which might be raised against the government blockading its own ports, and as such the United States considered every port in the seceded States.
He then asked me what was the meaning of the law just passed by Congress, authorizing the appointment of collectors in the Southern ports for receiving custom-duties on board of vessels of war, to be stationed at the entrance of the respective ports—that he could not understand how, on one hand, a port could be blockaded, and on the other hand, ships be allowed to enter upon paying customs, maintaining that this was virtually doing away with the blockade.
I replied that I thought the passage of this act was only intended to be authoritative, but not mandatory, upon the executive, and that Congress wanted to give to the President every possible Constitutional power, in order to be prepared for every emergency. That so far from intending to relinquish the blockade of the seceded ports, no efforts would be spared in order to make it respected and effective.
I mention all these remarks and objections in order to show you how every excuse will be seized by this government in order to break through our blockade, and I know that under the influence of Mr. Mercier’s dispatches to his government, we have nothing better to hope from France. I understand that both governments have written to their ministers at Washington, more than a week ago, that they will not allow French and English vessels to be overhauled on the high seas by our blockading squadron, on account of being suspected of having run the blockade, or carried contraband of war.
Lord Palmerston asked me what our manufacturers and spinners in New England would do for their supply of cotton, and how they were situated at present. I told him that by working short time I thought they would have cotton enough to last them until next spring, and that they were all for a strong, vigorous prosecution of the war, convinced that this was the only way in order to get the required supply by next spring.
He asked me, also, where our government intended to raise the large amounts voted by Congress for the prosecution of the war. I told him that I had no knowledge of the intentions of the Secretary of the Treasury, but I supposed he would negotiate his loans wherever he could make the most advantageous terms, that undoubtedly a large portion, if not the whole, would be taken by our people at home, the stagnation of trade having thrown a good deal of idle capital upon the market. I purposely conveyed the idea that we did not look for the probability of negotiating any large loan in England at present, because, since my arrival, the English papers have talked a good deal about my having come over for the purpose of raising money here.
I shall also shorten my visit here for the present, and intend to leave this evening for Paris and Germany. If I have a chance in Paris to see any of the Emperor’s cabinet, I shall do so, and shall not fail to write to you should any thing of interest come to my knowledge. I hope that by the time this reaches you our troops have been victorious in Virginia—one or two battles now will very soon change the tone and feeling of our English cousins.
