Tuesday, 14th—Rained last night again and cleared off this morning. I remained quiet to-day. Rained again to-night.
Sunday, April 14, 2013
April 13—Up to date they are firing at Fort Hill and Washington all the time.
April 14—Nothing.
Camp 103d Illinois Infantry, Lagrange, Tenn.,
April 14, 1863.
I am brigadier officer of the day again, and of course it is a rainy, muddy, disagreeable day. Visiting the pickets occupied my whole forenoon and I rode through a constant rain. You may consider it an evidence of perverted taste, or maybe demoralization, or possibly of untruthfulness in me, if I say that I enjoy being on duty in the rain, but it is a fact. I don’t like to lie in bed, or sit by the fire, and think of floundering about in the mud and being soaked to the skin, but once out of doors, let it rain and wind ever so hard I enjoy it. At my request the general relieved me from that “Board of Survey,” and I am again with my company. If I could but get 15 days’ exemption from duty, I could finish up the drilling I wish to give them. Since we left Peoria we have been driven so much with duty that drilling has been next to impossible. The health and spirits of the regiment are now excellent. Such a body of soldiers as this now is cannot be considered otherwise than as a credit to even immaculate Fulton County and New Jersey, two Edens without even one snake. That is one point in which the ninteenth century beats Adam’s time. Rumors of another move down the Mississippi Central R. R. are flying now. I credit them. Within 20 days we will again be allowed to strike our tents. I’m getting well over my Vicksburg fever and wishing considerably in regard to this land movement. Before I write again the cavalry, some six to ten regiments, will have started on a raid of considerable magnitude. You can see from the way I write that I know nothing of what is in prospect, but from hints dropped feel certain that a move with force will be made from here at once. Anything to end this horrible inactivity. Every newspaper I read raises my disgust ten per cent. I’m sure I’ll become a chronic swearer if it lasts this summer through. I suppose that you know by this time whether the Charleston attack is a failure or not. I’m not much interested in that. It will cause no loss of sleep on my part if we fail there, only I’d like to hear of the town being burned. I believe there are more chances for a general to immortalize himself, working southward from this line of road as a base, than in any other part of the field. But where is the general?
London.
New York, April 14, 1863.
Dear Baron,—I have read with great interest the admirable speech of Lord Russell, which you sent me by your letter of 24th ult. The policy of neutrality and non-intervention is certainly now the only true and just one. I hope that your government will not only continue to proclaim it, but will also prevent more effectually than heretofore, its violations by its subjects and its officials.
Lord Russell’s speech would have had an excellent effect here, but unfortunately the same steamer brought out the speeches of Lord Palmerston and the Solicitor-General, of the 27th ult., which breathe such an unkind and unfriendly spirit against the American people, that they will more than counterbalance the fair and honorable language of your Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Lord Palmerston’s speech, particularly, is a most extraordinary exhibition, and contains principles and assertions which it will be impossible even for that distinguished statesman to sustain. He says that the British cabinet could not act against the Alabama upon the mere complaint and statement of Mr. Adams, and that unless evidence under oath was produced by the latter, the authorities would not have been justified in retaining her.
How could Mr. Adams furnish evidence, which it was the duty of the Crown officials to procure, through their police and courts of justice, after their attention had been called to the intended violation of the law of the land ?
When, in 1855, the British Consul gave notice here, to our government, that the bark Maury, owned by one of our most respectable houses, was being fitted out as a privateer to cruise under the Russian flag, she was, on that mere suspicion, at once libelled by the United States authorities, and was not released until it was satisfactorily proved that she was not intended for such a purpose. This was done at a time when the English government had numerous contracts in this country for the manufacture of Enfield rifles, and when our vessels were carrying troops and ammunition from English and French ports to the Crimea.
The selling of arms and the running of blockade by individuals is certainly a very different thing from the fitting out of ships of war and privateers, and while we can only regret the first, and take our measures against them, we have certainly a right to expect that a friendly power will protect us against the other.
The Alabama has been fitted out in an English port to prey upon our commerce, she forfeited her bond, or, in other words, the builders evaded the law by sacrificing their bail. Does this change the offence? Only three months ago the British Consul has asserted in my presence that the Alabama, having forfeited her bail, would be seized in any English port she should enter, and I naturally inferred from this that orders to that effect had gone to the different stations. Yet she has, since that time, been received, provisioned, and feted in Kingston, and, for all I know, other ports of the British West Indies! She is now preying upon our commerce, and is recognized by your officials as a Confederate war vessel, though she has never as yet entered a Confederate port, and though the greater portion, if not all of her crew, are English subjects and foreigners.
How does the case and the attitude of the British government compare with the conduct of George Washington, immediately after the peace of the Revolutionary war.
The French republic, counting upon the sympathy of a young nation, the liberty of which they had just assisted to conquer, sent agents out here for the fitting out of privateers to prey upon British commerce. Washington not only took at once the most energetic steps against the violation of our neutrality, and seized the vessels in port, but he also indemnified British subjects for the losses sustained by the few privateers which had managed to escape. It is really inconceivable to see your leading statesmen make an assertion like the one made in the same speech by Lord Palmerston, viz., that British subjects had been seized and compelled to serve in this war against their will. It must be known to every child that such could not be the case, as no conscription has as yet taken place at the North, and it is further well known to the British Minister that it was only in the Southern States that Englishmen had been impressed into the service.
Lord Palmerston, as the head of the British cabinet, evinces in his speech a feeling of unfriendliness which will go far to bring about the most deplorable consequences, because I can assure you, that if your government is determined to allow the delivery and sailing of the war vessels destined for the Confederates, there will be reprisals, and I fear war. Our government does not wish it, and a member of the cabinet made a very strong speech here, on Saturday, against a war with England, but the irritation produced by the action of your officials has gained even the more influential and moderate leading men. Lord Russell says, at the conclusion of his speech, that he hopes England will never interfere except “in the cause of liberty, and to promote the freedom of mankind.” It would be well if England had acted upon this doctrine in the present contest. She would have secured forever the abolition of slavery throughout the world, while now she is assisting in riveting the fetters of the poor African for another century.
While in Cuba, I found all the Creole planters in favor of the South, and they based their partiality on the ground that, if the North succeed, slavery would be abolished in the United States, and then, of course, thev would be compelled to emancipate their slaves also.
Let your statesmen and Southern sympathizers go to Cuba and see the fearful barbarity and misery of slavery there, and I fear they would find it more difficult to satisfy their conscience as easily as they seem to do their constituents for the course they have pursued toward our people in our hour of trouble.
I am glad to hear from you, that you have not taken any interest in the Confederate loan. It is a most reckless speculation, and I do not believe that the first dollar will ever be paid on it. The letter in the London Times, denying that Jefferson Davis was a leading advocate of repudiation in his State of Mississippi, is the most barefaced falsehood imaginable. Jeff. Davis ran for State Senator, for Governor, and for United States Senator, upon the distinct issue of repudiating the bonds of the State of Mississippi, issued to the banks, and sold by them to the United States Bank.
These gentlemen are bold and unscrupulous in their assertions to the British public, because they know that they are preaching to willing ears.
Only a few months ago Yancey, one of their Commissioners, declared at a public dinner in London, that he was opposed to the African Slave Trade. Well, in 1856 he made one of his most powerful speeches, at a Southern Convention, in favor of that nefarious traffic, and appealing to the passions of his people, avowed already then, that the refusal of the Federal government to repeal the law of 1808 against the slave trade, was in itself a sufficient ground for the South to separate from the Union.
I am very much afraid that public opinion is so much roused against us that nothing will change the action of your government and people. On the other hand, demagogues will do their utmost to increase the irritation produced by the direct aid given by England and the English to the rebels.
The consequences which must arise from such a state of things can only be averted by great moderation and a cordial interchange of views on the part of the two governments.
by John Beauchamp Jones
APRIL 14TH. —We have nothing additional from Gen. Wise’s expedition against Williamsburg; but it was deprecated by our people here, whose families and negroes have been left in that vicinity. They argue that we cannot hold the town, or any portion of the Peninsula in the neighborhood; and when the troops retire, the enemy will subject the women and children to more rigorous treatment, and take all the slaves.
We have news from Tennessee, which seems to indicate that Gen. Van Dorn has been beaten, losing a battery, after a sanguinary battle of several hours. Van Dorn had only cavalry—7000. This has a depressing effect. It seems that we lose all the battles of any magnitude in the West. This news may have been received by the President in advance of the public, and hence his indisposition. We shall have news now every day or so.
Albert Pike is out in a pamphlet against Gens. Holmes and Hindman. He says their operations in Arkansas have resulted in reducing our forces, in that State, from forty odd thousand to less than 17,000. It was imprudent to publish such a statement. Albert Pike is a native Yankee, but he has lived a long time in the South.
Gov. Vance is furious at the idea of conscribing magistrates, constables, etc. in North Carolina. He says it would be an annihilation of State Rights—nevertheless, being subject to militia duty by the laws of the State, they are liable under the Act of Conscription.
Well, we are getting only some 700 conscripts per month in Virginia—the largest State! At this rate, how are we to replenish the ranks as they become thinned in battle? It is to be hoped the enemy will find the same difficulty in filling up their regiments, else we have rather a gloomy prospect before us. But God can and will save us if it be His pleasure.
April 14.—Yesterday the rebel works on the Bayou Teche, La., were attacked by the National forces under Generals Banks and Emory, and today, after a desperate conflict of several hours’ duration, the works were carried and the rebels driven out.—The rebel gunboats Diana, Hart, and Queen of the West, were also destroyed. The two former were burned by the rebels, to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Unionists, and the iron-clad ram Queen of the West, was attacked by the United States gunboats Estrella, Calhoun, and Arizona, set on fire and destroyed.— (Doc. 167.)
-—The United States gunboat West End, lying in the Nansemond River, four miles below Suffolk, Va., was this day attacked by a rebel battery, and considerably damaged. During the engagement, seven of her crew were killed or wounded.
—General Foster escaped from Washington, N. C, in the steamer Escort, which ran the rebel blockade on the Pamlico River to-day.
—To-day a fight took place on the Nansemond River, Va., between the United States gunboats Commodore Barney, Mount Washington, and Stepping Stones, and a powerful rebel shore battery, in which, after a four hours’ bombardment, the latter was silenced.—(Doc. 168.)
April 14. — Rode out to Bank’s and United States fords this morning with Generals Hooker, Benham, and Warren, Captain Cadwalader, Major Ludlow, and Captain Comstock. Before going went to Colonel Stuart with an order from General Benham to send an officer out to examine the roads from White Oak Church to Schenker’s Neck. Officer started, but could not get through the picket line. On the way to Bank’s Ford we passed over the road repaired by Mr. Van Brocklin. At Bank’s Ford we found three lines of rifle-pits. At United States Ford, some five or six miles above Bank’s Ford, they had a line of rifle-pits, and a line of redoubts. At both fords the banks on our side are very high, and command the opposite shore. At Bank’s Ford the ground is low on the enemy’s side, and rises gradually. At United States Ford, the rise on the enemy’s side is very much less. I do not think that General Hooker liked either place as a crossing for the army. Coming back, we saw a working party leaving Bank’s Ford. At United States Ford we saw about half a regiment behind the rifle-pits. Some of them called out to us, and asked us to come over. Our cavalry, which moved last .Monday (that is, yesterday), crossed the river at Kelly’s Ford. On my way back I stopped in Falmouth and saw John Perry, who arrived this afternoon. The morning was warm and pleasant, but towards evening it clouded up, and became chilly, and in the middle of the night it began raining.
