Tuesday, 28th—James Hawkins came up to-day to see me; staid all day with me. After he left, I and Frank McGuire went out to Mr. Bradley’s and got supper. I got some bread. We then went and got twenty bundles fodder apiece and came back to Camp.
April 2013
28th April (Tuesday).—We crossed the river Guadalupe at 5 A.M., and got a change of horses.
We got a very fair breakfast at Seguin at 7 A.M., which was beginning to be a well-to-do little place when the war dried it up.
It commenced to rain at Seguin, which made the road very woolly, and annoyed the outsiders a good deal.
The conversation turned a good deal upon military subjects, and all agreed that the system of election of officers had proved to be a great mistake. According to their own accounts, discipline must have been extremely lax at first, but was now improving. They were most anxious to hear what was thought of their cause in Europe; and none of them seemed aware of the great sympathy which their gallantry and determination had gained for them in England in spite of slavery.
We dined at a little wooden hamlet called Belmont, and changed horses again there.
The country through which we had been travelling was a good deal cultivated, and there were numerous farms. I saw cotton-fields for the first time.
We amused ourselves by taking shots with our revolvers at the enormous jack-rabbits which came to stare at the coach.
In the afternoon tobacco-chewing became universal, and the spitting was sometimes a little wild.
It was the custom for the outsiders to sit round the top of the carriage, with their legs dangling over (like mutes on a hearse returning from a funeral). This practice rendered it dangerous to put one’s head out of the window, for fear of a back kick from the heels, or of a shower of tobacco-juice from the mouths, of the Southern chivalry on the roof. In spite of their peculiar habits of hanging, shooting, &c, which seemed to be natural to people living in a wild and thinly-populated country, there was much to like in my fellow-travellers. They all had a sort of bonhommie honesty and straightforwardness, a natural courtesy and extreme good-nature, which was very agreeable. Although they were all very anxious to talk to a European—who, in these blockaded times, is a rara avis—yet their inquisitiveness was never offensive or disagreeable.
Any doubts as to my personal safety, which may have been roused by my early insight into Lynch law, were soon completely set at rest; for I soon perceived that if any one were to annoy me the remainder would stand by me as a point of honour.
We supped at a little town called Gonzales at 6.30.
We left it at 8 P.m. in another coach with six horses —big strong animals.
The roads being all natural ones, were much injured by the rains.
We were all rather disgusted by the bad news we heard at Gonzales of the continued advance of Banks, and of the probable fall of Alexandria.
The squeezing was really quite awful, but I did not suffer so much as the fat or long-legged ones. They all bore their trials in the most jovial good-humoured manner.
My fat vis-d-vis (in despair) changed places with me, my two bench-fellows being rather thinner than his, and I benefited much by the change into a back seat.
Tuesday, 28th—It cleared off this morning and we left Richmond at 10 o’clock, marched nine miles and went into camp on Holmes’s plantation, about eight miles from the Mississippi and due west from Vicksburg. We took possession of all the vacant houses and sheds on the plantation. The roads are very muddy and many of the trains got stalled. Some of the wagons loaded with ammunition sank down to the axles and much time and labor were consumed in getting them out. There was some fighting at Grand Gulf today.
Tuesday, 28th.—Started on picket last night at 5 o’clock; went to five-mile bridge. Reported Yankees are trying to cross river near Warrenton. Some skirmishing.
April 28 — We renewed our march early this morning and kept on a steady move all day, over a good grade, although some of the country we passed through is rough and hilly and the Valley is full of fragmentary mountain-like hills scattered around promiscuously. We forded the South Branch but once to-day, at Kile’s Ford, which was very deep and rough. At some places the grade winds along at the foot of steep and rocky bluffs, and at other places through rich and beautiful alluvial bottoms along the river; then again through dense mountain forests of oak and pine, with a thick undergrowth of laurel and mountain shrubbery. We marched twenty-three miles to-day, and are camped this evening one mile below Franklin.
April 28.—One of my patients, by the name of Lee, has just died; was a member of the Thirty-third Alabama Regiment. His wife lives in Butler County, Alabama. He was out of his mind previous to his death.
A number of wounded Federals were brought in a few days ago.
April 28, Tuesday. Nothing at Cabinet, Seward and Chase absent. The President engaged in selecting provost-marshals.
Sumner called this evening at the Department. Was much discomfited with an interview which he had last evening with the President. The latter was just filing a paper as Sumner went in. After a few moments Sumner took two slips from his pocket, — one cut from the Boston Transcript, the other from the Chicago Tribune, each taking strong ground against surrendering the Peterhoff mail. The President, after reading them, opened the paper he had just filed and read to Sumner his letter addressed to the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Navy. He told Sumner he had received the replies and just concluded reading mine. After some comments on them he said to Sumner, “I will not show these papers to you now; perhaps I never shall.” A conversation then took place which greatly mortified and chagrined Sumner, who declares the President is very ignorant or very deceptive. The President, he says, is horrified, or appeared to be, with the idea of a war with England, which he assumed depended on this question. He was confident we should have war with England if we presumed to open their mail bags, or break their seals or locks. They would not submit to it, and we were in no condition to plunge into a foreign war on a subject of so little importance in comparison with the terrible consequences which must follow our act. Of this idea of a war with England, Sumner could not dispossess him by argument, or by showing its absurdity. Whether it was real or affected ignorance, Sumner was not satisfied.
I have no doubts of the President’s sincerity, and so told Sumner. But he has been imposed upon, humbugged, by a man in whom he confides. His confidence has been abused; he does not — frankly confesses he does not — comprehend the principles involved nor the question itself. Seward does not intend he shall comprehend it. While attempting to look into it, the Secretary of State is daily, and almost hourly, wailing in his ears the calamities of a war with England which he is striving to prevent. The President is thus led away from the real question, and will probably decide it, not on its merits, but on this false issue, raised by the man who is the author of the difficulty.
Camp near FALMOUTH, April 28, 1863.
DEAR FATHER, — I think we shall start to-morrow night, if it does not rain. The pontoons are all near the river, and everything is in readiness to move. Some of the corps have moved up near the river to-day, in order to move promptly and quickly when the order comes. It seems to me that we shall cross in three places: at Bank’s Ford, where Franklin crossed at Fredericksburg fight, and about a mile below Franklin’s position.
In regard to the feeling in the army, it is not so good as it was. There is a feeling that the golden opportunity has passed away, and that if we cross now we shall have Hill and Longstreet’s forces to contend with in addition to Lee’s force. Had we gone over last Monday, we should not have half the force to contend against that we have now. However, it does not do to give way to any such feelings, especially before the men, and we must all do the utmost in our power to help and aid General Hooker. In regard to his drinking, I will say to you what I have never spoken about to any one else outside the army. I know of his having been tight twice since I have been here, although I hope he does not indulge enough to render him incompetent to perform his duty. He is, to tell the truth, a brave, dashing soldier, rather an adventurer than anything else, and bound to win or lose everything. Too much given to boasting and talking, he is nevertheless a man who will win the love and admiration of the soldiers, provided that he succeeds in his first fight. Whether he possesses the ability and the power to handle this large army remains to be seen. So far, in my opinion, General Butterfield has “run the machine,” and he is admirably fitted to attend to its internal discipline, etc. I feel anxious myself in regard to General Hooker, on account of the numerous delays we have had. They are certainly as bad, if not worse, than any of McClellan’s, and we must certainly admit that either Hooker is right and McClellan also, or that Hooker is wrong as much as McClellan ever was. Every one here begins to say now, “Well, McClellan was right after all.” I do hope most earnestly that by the time you receive this letter you will also have the news of our crossing the river successfully, and giving the enemy a good whipping.
To-night it seems to threaten a storm for to-morrow. We get ready to move during the pleasant weather and are on the point of starting just as the rain begins again.
I was called up this morning to write some private dispatches for an officer going on a secret expedition. General and myself were the only ones around here who knew of the place and object of the officer’s journey. The officer himself did not know, as the dispatches were sealed and were not to be opened until he reached Washington. Yet this afternoon I was told by an officer where and for what purpose the officer was sent. It leaked out from headquarters of the Army of the Potomac in some way. It is a difficult thing to keep anything secret.
April 28. — The general received a telegram from Captain Lubey, saying that the pontoon train arrived at Warrenton at 7.30 o’clock this morning. I took the telegram, or rather a verbal message, to General Butterfield, to the effect that the train arrived at Warrenton at 7.30. General Benham then went over to General Sedgwick’s, with Perkins and myself. General S., General Sickles, and General Reynolds were there. After leaving there, General B. sent me with a message to Major Cassin, saying that he wished his train to be moved over the crest near the Wallace House. Major Cassin moved his train as ordered, and proceeded down to the pine forest near the river bank. At five o’clock in the afternoon, General Sedgwick and General Newton came to headquarters, and General B. went with them to the river, where they left me. I went back to headquarters in accordance with General B.’s orders, having waited for him an hour. At nine in the evening, General Hunt arrived here, and with all his staff, General Benham started for General Sedgwick’s headquarters. After remaining here for half an hour, or rather 15 minutes, General Benham went on towards the river, until he met General Pratt. He ordered me to stay with General Pratt, and as soon as the enemy took the alarm to order the batteries down, and one train of pontoon equipage. While here, General Benham had a row with General Sedgwick’s aide, Captain Halstead.
General Benham, after giving his instructions to General Pratt and other officers, left for the lower bridges. General Pratt sent me down to the river to give notice as soon as the enemy were alarmed, General Newton’s officers, who were to perform that duty, not being present. I waited on the bank of the river some half hour, having first questioned all the pickets in regard to any sounds or noises heard on the opposite bank. Everything was very quiet, except the sound arising from our pontoon boats being transported by our men. When the boats arrived at the bank, I joined General Benham. He sent me down to the river’s edge to listen, and to see whether the enemy were aware of our approach. I soon heard the clanking of swords, etc., and saw signals displayed, and so informed the general. By one or two o’clock some 40 boats were at the river’s bank. At four our men crossed, one volley and a few scattering shots being all the resistance that they encountered. Some half a dozen men were wounded. The time between 4 and 6 o’clock was occupied in crossing troops.[1]
[1] Gen. Hooker’s movement to turn the Confederate left flank, which resulted in the battle of Chancellorsville, began on April 27, when a force under Sedgwick was sent across the Rappahannock below Fredericksburg.
Near Richmond, Tuesday, April 28. Took up the march at 6 A. M. The rain of almost twenty-four hours had rendered it muddy beyond description. We had seen deeper mud in Mississippi last fall, but none so hard as this to travel; the soil being of a bluish clay, was made into wax, the wheels clogging so as to hide all traces of spoke or felloe. The 2nd piece wheel was locked by the mud and slid along. Slowly we worked our way on, often straining our horses to their utmost. Ambulances, wagons, etc. stuck all along. Rested one hour and watered horses at 11 A. M. Came into park at 2 P. M. on rebel General Fink’s ground, who was killed at Murfreesboro. Unhitched and swam horses to wash them, and fed them freely on rebel corn, having made about four miles. Supped on fresh beef and hard-tack, and laid down in the open air.
