Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Tuesday, July 2, 2013

2d July (Thursday).—”We all got up at 3.30 A.M., and breakfasted a little before daylight. Lawley insisted on riding, notwithstanding his illness. Captain ——and I were in a dilemma for horses; but I was accommodated by Major Clark (of this Staff), whilst the stout Austrian was mounted by Major Walton. The Austrian, in spite of the early hour, had shaved his cheeks and ciréd his mustaches as beautifully as if he was on parade at Vienna.

Colonel Sorrell, the Austrian, and I arrived at 5 A.M. at the same commanding position we were on yesterday, and I climbed up a tree in company with Captain Schreibert of the Prussian army. Just below us were seated Generals Lee, Hill, Longstreet, and Hood, in consultation—the two latter assisting their deliberations by the truly American custom of whittling sticks. General Heth was also present; he was wounded in the head yesterday, and although not allowed to command his brigade, he insists upon coming to the field.

At 7 A.M. I rode over part of the ground with General Longstreet, and saw him disposing McLaws’s division for to-day’s fight. The enemy occupied a series of high ridges, the tops of which were covered with trees, but the intervening valleys between their ridges and ours were mostly open, and partly under cultivation. The cemetery was on their right, and their left appeared to rest upon a high rocky hill. The enemy’s forces, which were now supposed to comprise nearly the whole Potomac army, were concentrated into a space apparently not more than a couple of miles in length. The Confederates enclosed them in a sort of semicircle, and the extreme extent of our position must have been from five to six miles at least. Ewell was on our left; his headquarters in a church (with a high cupola) at Gettysburg; Hill in the centre; and Longstreet on the right. Our ridges were also covered with pine-woods at the tops, and generally on the rear slopes. The artillery of both sides confronted each other at the edges of these belts of trees, the troops being completely hidden. The enemy was evidently intrenched, but the Southerns had not broken ground at all. A dead silence reigned till 4.45 P.M., and no one would have imagined that such masses of men and such a powerful artillery were about to commence the work of destruction at that hour.

Only two divisions of Longstreet were present today—viz., McLaws’s and Hood’s—Pickett being still in the rear. As the whole morning was evidently to be occupied in disposing the troops for the attack, I rode to the extreme right with Colonel Manning and Major Walton, where we ate quantities of cherries, and got a feed of corn for our horses. We also bathed in a small stream, but not without some trepidation on my part, for we were almost beyond the lines, and were exposed to the enemy’s cavalry.

At 1 P.M. I met a quantity of Yankee prisoners who had been picked up straggling. They told me they belonged to Sickles’s corps (3d, I think), and had arrived from Emmetsburg during the night. About this time skirmishing began along part of the line, but not heavily.

At 2 P.m. General Longstreet advised me, if I wished to have a good view of the battle, to return to my tree of yesterday. I did so, and remained there with Lawley and Captain Schreibert during the rest of the afternoon. But until 4.45 P.M. all was profoundly still, and we began to doubt whether a fight was coming off today at all. At that time, however, Longstreet suddenly commenced a heavy cannonade on the right. Ewell immediately took it up on the left. The enemy replied with at least equal fury, and in a few moments the firing along the whole line was as heavy as it is possible to conceive. A dense smoke arose for six miles; there was little wind to drive it away, and the air seemed full of shells—each of which appeared to have a different style of going, and to make a different noise from the others. The ordnance on both sides is of a very varied description. Every now and then a caisson would blow up—if a Federal one, a Confederate yell would immediately follow. The Southern troops, when charging, or to express their delight, always yell in a manner peculiar to themselves. The Yankee cheer is much more like ours; but the Confederate officers declare that the rebel yell has a particular merit, and always produces a salutary and useful effect upon their adversaries. A corps is sometimes spoken of as a “good yelling regiment.”

So soon as the firing began, General Lee joined Hill just below our tree, and he remained there nearly all the time, looking through his field-glass—sometimes talking to Hill and sometimes to Colonel Long of his Staff. But generally he sat quite alone on the stump of a tree. What I remarked especially was, that during the whole time the firing continued, he only sent one message, and only received one report. It is evidently his system to arrange the plan thoroughly with the three corps commanders, and then leave to them the duty of modifying and carrying it out to the best of their abilities.

When the cannonade was at its height, a Confederate band of music, between the cemetery and ourselves, began to play polkas and waltzes, which sounded very curious, accompanied by the hissing and bursting of the sheik.

At 5.45 all became comparatively quiet on our left and in the cemetery; but volleys of musketry on the right told us that Longstreet’s infantry were advancing, and the onward progress of the smoke showed that he was progressing favourably; but about 6.30 there seemed to be a check, and even a slight retrograde movement Soon after 7 General Lee got a report by signal from Longstreet to say “we are doing well” A little before dark the firing dropped off in every direction, and soon ceased altogether. We then received intelligence that Longstreet had carried everything before him for some time, capturing several batteries, and driving the enemy from his positions; but when Hill’s Florida Brigade and some other troops gave way, he was forced to abandon a small portion of the ground he had won, together with all the captured guns, except three. His troops, however, bivouacked during the night on ground occupied by the enemy this morning.

Every one deplores that Longstreet will expose himself in such a reckless manner. To-day he led a Georgian regiment in a charge against a battery, hat in hand, and in front of everybody. General Barksdale was killed and Semmes mortally wounded; but the most serious loss was that of General Hood, who was badly wounded in the arm early in the day. I heard that his Texans are in despair. Lawley and I rode back to the General’s camp, which had been moved to within a mile of the scene of action. Longstreet, however, with most of his Staff, bivouacked on the field.

Major Fairfax arrived at about 10 P.M. in a very bad humour. He had under his charge about 1000 to 1500 Yankee prisoners who had been taken to-day; among them a general, whom I heard one of his men accusing of having been “so G—d d—d drunk that he had turned his guns upon his own men.” But, on the other hand, the accuser was such a thundering blackguard, and proposed taking such a variety of oaths in order to escape from the U.S. army, that he is not worthy of much credit. A large train of horses and mules, &c, arrived to-day, sent in by General Stuart, and captured, it is understood, by his cavalry, which had penetrated to within six miles of Washington.

2nd. Borrowed one day’s rations of the 12th R. I. Expecting a train for ourselves. Boys very accommodating. Regt. to be mustered out of service on the 13th. All very happy. It makes me almost homesick and still I am glad my time is not out. I could not be satisfied at home with this cruel war going on. Many will re-enlist. Boys went for forage.

July 2. — Started from Westminster in the cars at 5 A.M. and reached Baltimore about 12. I gave my mare to an officer of the 84th Pennsylvania, who promised to send her to our headquarters train. In Baltimore we met Major Reynolds, the general’s brother, and Mr. Gildersleeve, his brother-in-law. We had the body embalmed, and placed in a coffin, and at 8.30 P.M. took the train for Philadelphia. We reached there about 12, and met Rosengarten’s father and brother. The general’s body was taken to his brother-in-law’s, Mr. Landis. We went to the Continental.

Thursday, 2d—We loaded up our baggage and started at 8 o’clock to join our regiment and brigade in camp on the Big Black river, about ten miles distant. We found our command cutting away the trees which were cut down to keep General Johnston from coming in our rear after Vicksburg should surrender.[1]


[1] It was reported that Pemberton had raised the white flag, asking for terms of surrender. This being the case, our forces were set to work clearing the road for our artillery; for we understood that upon the surrender of Vicksburg, we were to pursue Johnston’s army.—A. G. D.

Before Vicksburg, Thursday, July 2. Hearing that William Jones of the 23rd was wounded, I obtained permission of Lieutenant Clark, commanding Battery, to go and visit him. G. R. Jones and myself found him in the Division hospital with his leg amputated above the knee, wounded on the 30th ult. by a chance musket ball. Looked well under the circumstances. Called upon J. Savage before returning. Rebs showed a line in front of us in the afternoon. Several shots exchanged.

Colonel Lyons.

Fort Donelson, July 2, 1863.—We are mounting our infantry under command of Major Bigney. He takes great interest in it. There are to be five companies of forty men each. Fort Heiman is reoccupied by some of General Grant’s command.

JULY 2ND.—This is Camp Tiffin. Our regiment was favored to-day with a large mail, and nothing could have been more acceptable. Letters from home were looked into first, and next, of course, came sweethearts. One letter was read aloud, describing the capture of a butternut camp, in Holmes county, Ohio. The fort was built on a hill, and manned with several cannon, to resist the draft. A few soldiers from Camp Chase, however, went over and soon put an end to that attempt at resistance. I regret to hear of such a disgraceful affair occurring in my native State. From other letters and papers it appears this thing occurs in many other Northern States, and of course it must give encouragement to the rebels.

The rumor now runs that the paymaster will be at hand tomorrow, but he is about as reliable as Johnston, for we have been something like a week looking for both these gentlemen. I confess I would rather meet greenbacks than graybacks.

This afternoon, with several others, I went blackberrying again, and in searching for something to eat, we paid a visit to a house where, to our happy surprise, we found a birthday party, brightened by the presence of no less than eleven young ladies. We asked, of course, where “the boys” were, and they replied, as we expected, “out hunting Yanks.” Well, we found it a treat to get a taste of sociality once more, after being so long famished. They were very nice rebel girls, though I think the color of the eyes of one of them was what I might call true blue. They asked us to lunch with them, which we did with pleasure. The eatables were good, and we had a splendid time—all the while, of course, keeping one eye on the girls and the other on the window. We told our experience at our last blackberrying excursion, when they assured as we had nothing to fear with them, for they were all “for the Union.” No doubt they will be whenever their “boys” come home.

Fac-simile of a "hard tack" issued at Vicksburg, June, 1863.  The scene on it represents a soldier toasting his cracker, and the spots in the cracker were caused by the worms that inhabited it.

July 2 — Renewed our march this morning and moved toward Chambersburg, Penn. Early this morning we crossed the State line and passed into Franklin County, Pennsylvania.

The country south of Greencastle is pretty, the land fertile and well cultivated, and the barns look like churches. We passed through Greencastle, which is a beautiful clean town of about three thousand inhabitants, situated on the Chambersburg and Hagerstown Railroad, and in a rich and fertile country. The streets are wide and straight, the houses nearly all built of brick, and kept in good condition. I saw some beautiful, rosy-cheeked, bonny lassies on the street in Greencastle, but they looked as sour as a crab apple, frowns an inch wide and warranted pure vinegar playing over their lovely faces, like the shadow of a cloud that flits across the blushes of an opening rose. I wonder what made them look so frownful. We did not come here to harm nor molest the charming creatures, but we may hurt some of their relations if they get after us with guns.

The country between Greencastle and Chambersburg is a little rolling and rough. Chambersburg, the county seat of Franklin County, is situated in a beautiful country. The land around the town is under a state of careful and good cultivation. The little city contains about seven thousand inhabitants, and the buildings are nearly all brick. The Franklin House is a large and spacious hotel, built of brick, three stories high. The streets are wide, straight, and level, with good solid brick pavements on each side. Camped this evening on the Baltimore pike a mile from Chambersburg.

July 2, Thursday. A telegram this morning advises me of the death of General R. C. Hale, the brother of Mrs. Welles, at Reedsville in the County of Mifflin, Pennsylvania. He was the efficient Quartermaster-General of Pennsylvania, a good officer and capable and upright man. The public never had a more faithful and honest officer.

Met Sumner and went with him to the War Department. The President was there, and we read dispatches received from General Meade. There was a smart fight, but without results, near Gettysburg yesterday. A rumor is here that we have captured six thousand prisoners, and on calling again this evening at the War Department I saw a telegram which confirms it. General Reynolds is reported killed. The tone of Meade’s dispatch is good.

Met the elder Blair this evening at his son’s, the Postmaster-General. The old gentleman has been compelled to leave his pleasant home at Silver Spring, his house being in range of fire and Rebel raiders at his door. He tells me McClellan wrote Stanton after the seven days’ fight near Richmond that he (Stanton) had sacrificed that army. Stanton replied cringingly, and in a most supplicating manner, assuring McClellan he, Stanton, was his true friend. Mr. F. P. Blair assures me he has seen the letters. He also says he has positive, unequivocal testimony that Stanton acted with the Secessionists early in the War and favored a division of the Union. He mentions a conversation at John Lee’s house, where Stanton set forth the advantages that would follow from a division.

Mr. Montgomery Blair said Stanton was talking Secession to one class, and holding different language to another; that while in Buchanan’s Cabinet he communicated Toucey’s treason to Jake Howard and secretly urged the arrest of Toucey. During the winter of 1860 and 1861, Stanton was betraying the Buchanan Administration to Seward, disclosing its condition and secrets, and that for his treachery to his then associates and his becoming the tool of Seward, he was finally brought into the present Cabinet.

These things I have heard from others also, and there have been some facts and circumstances to corroborate them within my own knowledge. Mr. Seward, who has no very strong convictions and will never sacrifice his life for an opinion, had no belief that the insurrection would be serious or of long continuance. Familiar with the fierce denunciations and contentions of parties in New York, where he had, from his prominent position and strong adherents, been accustomed to excite and direct, and then modify, the excesses roused by anti-Masonry and anti-rent outbreaks by pliable and liberal action, he entertained no doubt that he should have equal success in bringing about a satisfactory result in national affairs by meeting exaction with concessions. He was strengthened in this by the fact that there was no adequate cause for a civil war, or for the inflammatory, excited, and acrimonious language which flowed from his heated associates in Congress. Through the infidelity of Stanton he learned the feelings and designs of the Buchanan Administration, which were not of the ultra character of the more impassioned Secession leaders. One of the Cabinet already paid court to him; Dix and some others he knew were not disunionists; and, never wanting faith in his own skill and management, he intended, if his opponents would not go with him, as the last alternative to go with them and call a convention to remodel the Constitution. Until some weeks after Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration Seward never doubted that he could by some expedient — a convention or otherwise —allay the storm. Some who ultimately went into the Rebellion also hoped it. Both he and they overestimated his power and influence. Stanton in the winter of 1861 whispered in his ear state secrets, it was understood, because Seward was to be first in the Cabinet of Lincoln, who was already elected. The Blairs charge Stanton with infidelity to party and to country from mere selfish considerations, and with being by nature treacherous and wholly unreliable. Were any overwhelming adversity to befall the country, they look upon him as ready to betray it.

July 2d, 1863. At daylight we were promptly under arms, and as soon as breakfast (coffee and crackers) was over, the brigade fell in and marched up the Cemetery Hill, already crowded with various bodies of troops moving into position.

Our entire corps came on the ground, and formed in order of battle, the First, our division, forming in front, the Second a very short distance in rear, connecting on the right with Howard, and on the left with Sickles, of the Third corps.

There was no firing during the formation, and as soon as it was completed, we had ample time to look about us and study the features of the field. We were posted on broad, high, open ground, gently sloping in front towards a small brook called Plum Run, some three or four hundred yards in front, running nearly parallel to our line of battle. An occasional clump of bushes interrupted the view. Towards the right, the ground was higher, completely overlooking the town of Gettysburg. On the left, arose abruptly a couple of small detached mountains, Round Top and Little Round Top, evidently the keys to the position.

The enemy lay in line of battle, some fifteen hundred yards in front of us, under cover of the woods, which fringed the open ground from right to left as far as we could see. On the whole, the field seemed worthy of the great contest now to be fought to the death upon its emerald slopes. It was an admirable field for artillery, and every gun that the army had was placed in position. Pettit’s battery of glorious memory, now commanded by Lieutenant Rhoerty, a brilliant young Irishman, lately ordnance officer of the division, was on our left; this battery and our brigade were on the best of terms, having fought together from Fair Oaks continuously till to-day. As the enemy made no movement, our men sat or lay down in their ranks, while the officers gathered in groups, and discussed the probable outlook for the day. Little, however, was said, most of the men being preoccupied by their own thoughts. About ten o’clock the enemy fired a few shots and our guns replied, and this continued till towards noon, when an ominous silence brooded over the entire field. We knew the enemy were preparing for the attack, and this time it was our turn to await the advance.

At 2 P. M. we stood to arms, on observing Sickles begin to advance and manœuver; after making several incomprehensible movements, his troops marched forward from in front of Round Top, and immediately brought on the action.

Longstreet’s corps advanced and savagely attacked the Third corps, forcing it back, after much fighting, ending in considerable confusion. From where we sat on our horses, the entire field of operations was in view, and was intensely interesting. The fighting continued by the Third corps alone until nearly 3 P. M. when Captain Tremain, of Sickles’s staff, rode up to Zook, and requested him to move to Sickles’s assistance. The general instantly put spurs to his horse and galloped directly across the field to Sickles, who, surrounded by a large staff, was in a state of great excitement; the enemy’s shot were dropping about him, and he seemed to be very much confused and uncertain in his movements. When Zook approached him, he excitedly asked him to put his command into action on his left, where he admitted Longstreet was steadily driving him back near the two small mountains. Zook declared his willingness to act, and galloped back to his command, taking the stone walls and ditches without swerving, either to the right or left. When we reached the brigade, the First and Second brigade of our division were already on the march towards the threatened left, and we promptly followed, marching by the left flank, arriving at the wooded crest adjacent to Round Top mountain; we halted and formed column of attack in two lines: the One Hundred and Forty Pennsylvania, and Fifty-seventh New York in front; the Fifty-second and Sixty-sixth New York in rear. The ground was rocky, strewn with immense boulders, and sparsely covered with timber. As soon as the formation was completed, we marched forward to the attack, at first over rising ground, and shortly received a tremenduous fire from the front; as we marched rapidly forward alongside the mountain, the tumult became deafening, the mountain side echoed back the musketry, so that no word of command could be heard, and little could be seen but long lines of flame, and smoke and struggling masses of men. We kept right on obliquing somewhat to the right, until apparently directly in front of the raging mass of combatants below, then rushed at a double quick boldly forward into the mouth of hell, into the jaws of death. Zook, accompanied by Broom, led the first line, while the second line, commanded by Morris of the Sixty-sixth, was placed in my charge; we soon came to a standstill and a close encounter, when the firing became terrific and the slaughter frightful. We were enveloped in smoke and fire, not only in front, but on our left, and even at times on the right, apparently from men posted on the mountain sides. Our men fired promiscuously, steadily pressing forward, but the fighting was so mixed, rebel and union lines so close together, and in some places intermingled, that a clear idea of what was going on was not readily obtainable. While trying to keep the lines as effective as possible, watching the situation in this pandemonium of death, I saw Zook a little towards the left, riding to the rear, supported by Broom and a mounted orderly. I rode over to him instantly, when he looked up with an expression I shall never forget, and said: “It’s all up with me, Favill.” I told Broom I would turn over the command to Morris and join him as soon as I could, but Morris was not to be found readily in the great confusion of battle. Roberts of the One Hundred and Fortieth was killed, and the troops by this time were sadly mixed up with other commands. I found Frazer, however, the lieutenant-colonel of the One Hundred and Fortieth Pennsylvania, next in rank, and notified him of the death of Zook, and directed him to assume command. He wished me to remain, but I was personal aide-de-camp to Zook, and my duty was to him, and therefore I declined. Just then Brooke came up and took command of the whole line, and relieved the situation completely. I rode off the field and overtook the general with Broom, riding very slowly towards the Baltimore pike. The General was in great pain, and Broom told me he was shot through the bowels. I went ahead to find an ambulance, but before I returned they had fallen in with one, and were driven to the field hospital. Surgeon Wood, one of our best doctors, after examining the wound, told us it was fatal, and nothing could be done; there being no shelter here, and the enemy’s shot frequently reaching the spot, we took the general on a stretcher, and carried him to a small house some distance in the rear on the Baltimore road, close to a bridge crossing a small creek. The house was already filled with men severely wounded, and the sight was most distressing; the howls of pain from the men in the hall and front room were so dreadful that we moved the general back into a small room cut off from the others, and here we spent the night, doing what we could to make our dear commander comfortable. I went out several times during the night, and looked at the ghastly scenes on the floors of the hall and parlor. As many men as could lay side by side completely covered the floors, which were streaming with blood, and the poor fellows seemed to give way completely to their misfortunes. Over twenty of them died and were carried into the yard during the night.