Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Wednesday, July 3, 2013

3d July (Friday).—At 6 A.M. I rode to the field with Colonel Manning, and went over that portion of the ground which, after a fierce contest, had been won from the enemy yesterday evening. The dead were being buried, but great numbers were still lying about; also many mortally wounded, for whom nothing could be done. Amongst the latter were a number of Yankees dressed in bad imitations of the Zouave costume. They opened their glazed eyes as I rode past in a painfully imploring manner.

We joined Generals Lee and Longstreet’s Staff: they were reconnoitring and making preparations for renewing the attack. As we formed a pretty large party, we often drew upon ourselves the attention of the hostile sharpshooters, and were two or three times favoured with a shell. One of these shells set a brick building on fire which was situated between the lines. This building was filled with wounded, principally Yankees, who, I am afraid, must have perished miserably in the flames. Colonel Sorrell had been slightly wounded yesterday, but still did duty. Major Walton’s horse was killed, but there were no other casualties amongst my particular friends.

The plan of yesterday’s attack seems to have been very simple—first a heavy cannonade all along the line, followed by an advance of Longstreet’s two divisions and part of Hill’s corps. In consequence of the enemy’s having been driven back some distance, Longstreet’s corps (part of it) was in a much more forward situation than yesterday. But the range of heights to be gained was still most formidable, and evidently strongly intrenched.

The distance between the Confederate guns and the Yankee position—i.e., between the woods crowning the opposite ridges—was at least a mile,—quite open, gently undulating, and exposed to artillery the whole distance. This was the ground which had to be crossed in to-day’s attack. Pickett’s division, which had just come up, was to bear the brunt in Longstreet’s attack, together with Heth and Pettigrew in Hill’s corps. Pickett’s division was a weak one (under 5000), owing to the absence of two brigades.

At noon all Longstreet’s dispositions were made; his troops for attack were deployed into line, and lying down in the woods; his batteries were ready to open. The General then dismounted and went to sleep for a short time. The Austrian officer and I now rode off to get, if possible, into some commanding position from whence we could see the whole thing without being exposed to the tremendous fire which was about to commence. After riding about for half an hour without being able to discover so desirable a situation, we determined to make for the cupola, near Gettysburg, Ewell’s headquarters. Just before we reached the entrance to the town, the cannonade opened with a fury which surpassed even that of yesterday.

Soon after passing through the toll-gate at the entrance of Gettysburg, we found that we had got into a heavy cross-fire; shells both Federal and Confederate passing over our heads with great frequency. At length two shrapnel shells burst quite close to us, and a ball from one of them hit the officer who was conducting us. We then turned round and changed our views with regard to the cupola—the fire of one side being bad enough, but preferable to that of both sides. A small boy of twelve years was riding with us at the time: this urchin took a diabolical interest in the bursting of the shells, and screamed with delight when he saw them take effect. I never saw this boy again, or found out who he was. The road at Gettysburg was lined with Yankee dead, and as they had been killed on the 1st, the poor fellows had already begun to be very offensive. We then returned to the hill I was on yesterday. But finding that, to see the actual fighting, it was absolutely necessary to go into the thick of the thing, I determined to make my way to General Longstreet. It was then about 2.30. After passing General Lee and his Staff, I rode on through the woods in the direction in which I had left Longstreet. I soon began to meet many wounded men returning from the front; many of them asked in piteous tones the way to a doctor or an ambulance. The further I got, the greater became the number of the wounded. At last I came to a perfect stream of them flocking through the woods in numbers as great as the crowd in Oxford Street in the middle of the day. Some were walking alone on crutches composed of two rifles, others were supported by men less badly wounded than themselves, and others were carried on stretchers by the ambulance corps; but in no case did I see a sound man helping the wounded to the rear, unless he carried the red badge of the ambulance corps. They were still under a heavy fire; the shells were continually bringing down great limbs of trees, and carrying further destruction amongst this melancholy procession. I saw all this in much less time than it takes to write it, and although astonished to meet such vast numbers of wounded, I had not seen enough to give me any idea of the real extent of the mischief.

When I got close up to General Longstreet, I saw one of his regiments advancing through the woods in good order; so, thinking I was just in time to see the attack, I remarked to the General that “I wouldn’t have missed this for anything.” Longstreet was seated at the top of a snake fence at the edge of the wood, and looking perfectly calm and imperturbed. He replied, laughing, “The devil you wouldn’t! I would like to have missed it very much; we’ve attacked and been repulsed: look there!”

For the first time I then had a view of the open space between the two positions, and saw it covered with Confederates slowly and sulkily returning towards us in small broken parties, under a heavy fire of artillery. But the fire where we were was not so bad as further to the rear; for although the air seemed alive with shell, yet the greater number burst behind us.

The General told me that Pickett’s division had succeeded in carrying the enemy’s position and capturing his guns, but after remaining there twenty minutes, it had been forced to retire, on the retreat of Heth and Pettigrew on its left. No person could have been more calm or self-possessed than General Longstreet under these trying circumstances, aggravated as they now were by the movements of the enemy, who began to show a strong disposition to advance. I could now thoroughly appreciate the term bulldog, which I had heard applied to him by the soldiers. Difficulties seem to make no other impression upon him than to make him a little more savage.

Major Walton was the only officer with him when I came up—all the rest had been put into the charge. In a few minutes Major Latrobe arrived on foot, carrying his saddle, having just had his horse killed. Colonel Sorrell was also in the same predicament, and Captain Goree’s horse was wounded in the mouth.

The General was making the best arrangements in his power to resist the threatened advance, by advancing some artillery, rallying the stragglers, &c. I remember seeing a General (Pettigrew, I think it was)[1] come up to him, and report that “he was unable to bring his men up again.” Longstreet turned upon him and replied with some sarcasm, ” Very well; never mind, then, General; just let them remain where they are: the enemy’s going to advance, and will spare you the trouble.”

He asked for something to drink: I gave him some rum out of my silver flask, which I begged he would keep in remembrance of the occasion; he smiled, and, to my great satisfaction, accepted the memorial. He then went off to give some orders to McLaws’s division. Soon afterwards I joined General Lee, who had in the meanwhile come to that part of the field on becoming aware of the disaster. If Longstreet’s conduct was admirable, that of General Lee was perfectly sublime. He was engaged in rallying and in encouraging the broken troops, and was riding about a little in front of the wood, quite alone—the whole of his Staff being engaged in a similar manner further to the rear. His face, which is always placid and cheerful, did not show signs of the slightest disappointment, care, or annoyance; and he was addressing to every soldier he met a few words of encouragement, such as, “All this will come right in the end: we’ll talk it over afterwards; but, in the mean time, all good men must rally. We want all good and true men just now,” &c. He spoke to all the wounded men that passed him, and the slightly wounded he exhorted “to bind up their hurts and take up a musket” in this emergency. Very few failed to answer his appeal, and I saw many badly wounded men take off their hats and cheer him. He said to me, “This has been a sad day for us, Colonel—a sad day; but we can’t expect always to gain victories.” He was also kind enough to advise me to get into some more sheltered position, as the shells were bursting round us with considerable frequency.

Notwithstanding the misfortune which had so suddenly befallen him, General Lee seemed to observe everything, however trivial. When a mounted officer began licking his horse for shying at the bursting of a shell, he called out, “Don’t whip him, Captain; don’t whip him. I’ve got just such another foolish horse myself, and whipping does no good.”

I happened to see a man lying flat on his face in a small ditch, and I remarked that I didn’t think he seemed dead; this drew General Lee’s attention to the man, who commenced groaning dismally. Finding appeals to his patriotism of no avail, General Lee had him ignominiously set on his legs by some neighbouring gunners.

I saw General Willcox (an officer who wears a short round jacket and a battered straw hat) come up to him, and explain, almost crying, the state of his brigade. General Lee immediately shook hands with him and said, cheerfully, “Never mind, General, all this has been MY fault—it is I that have lost this fight, and you must help me out of it in the best way you can.” In this manner I saw General Lee encourage and reanimate his somewhat dispirited troops, and magnanimously take upon his own shoulders the whole weight of the repulse. It was impossible to look at him or to listen to him without feeling the strongest admiration, and I never saw any man fail him except the man in the ditch.

It is difficult to exaggerate the critical state of affairs as they appeared about this time. If the enemy or their general had shown any enterprise, there is no saying what might have happened. General Lee and his officers were evidently fully impressed with a sense of the situation ; yet there was much less noise, fuss, or confusion of orders than at an ordinary field-day: the men, as they were rallied in the wood, were brought up in detachments, and lay down quietly and coolly in the positions assigned to them.

We heard that Generals Garnett and Armistead were killed, and General Kemper mortally wounded; also, that Pickett’s division had only one field-officer unhurt. Nearly all this slaughter took place in an open space about one mile square, and within one hour.

At 6 P.M. we heard a long and continuous Yankee cheer, which we at first imagined was an indication of an advance; but it turned out to be their reception of a general officer, whom we saw riding down the line, followed by about thirty horsemen. Soon afterwards I rode to the extreme front, where there were four pieces of rifled cannon almost without any infantry support. To the non-withdrawal of these guns is to be attributed the otherwise surprising inactivity of the enemy. I was immediately surrounded by a sergeant and about half-a-dozen gunners, who seemed in excellent spirits and full of confidence, in spite of their exposed situation. The sergeant expressed his ardent hope that the Yankees might have spirit enough to advance and receive the dose he had in readiness for them. They spoke in admiration of the advance of Pickett’s division, and of the manner in which Pickett himself had led it. When they observed General Lee they said, “We’ve not lost confidence in the old man: this day’s work won’t do him no harm. ‘Uncle Robert’ will get us into Washington yet; you bet he will?” &c. Whilst we were talking, the enemy’s skirmishers began to advance slowly, and several ominous sounds in quick succession told us that we were attracting their attention, and that it was necessary to break up the conclave. I therefore turned round and took leave of these cheery and plucky gunners.

At 7 P.M., General Lee received a report that Johnson’s division of Ewell’s corps had been successful on the left, and had gained important advantages there. Firing entirely ceased in our front about this time; but we now heard some brisk musketry on our right, which I afterwards learned proceeded from Hood’s Texans, who had managed to surround some enterprising Yankee cavalry, and were slaughtering them with great satisfaction. Only eighteen out of four hundred are said to have escaped.

At 7.30, all idea of a Yankee attack being over, I rode back to Moses’s tent, and found that worthy commissary in very low spirits, all sorts of exaggerated rumours having reached him. On my way I met a great many wounded men, most anxious to inquire after Longstreet, who was reported killed; when I assured them he was quite well, they seemed to forget their own pain in the evident pleasure they felt in the safety of their chief. No words that I can use will adequately express the extraordinary patience and fortitude with which the wounded Confederates bore their sufferings.

I got something to eat with the doctors at 10 P.M., the first for fifteen hours.

I gave up my horse to-day to his owner, as from death and exhaustion the Staff are almost without horses.


[1] This officer was afterwards killed at the passage of the Potomac.

3rd. Mail came in afternoon. Merely a paper and note through Lu. The Proclamation also by Ampt. Shows a mean spirit, considerable wit. In the evening orders came to be saddled. Stood all night. Two detachments went out. One under Seward and another under a Ky. officer. Co. B in quite an engagement at Columbia. Lt. Bills slightly wounded, one man wounded in hip, another missing and one killed. Morgan across at Burksville with 4000, advancing seemingly towards Lebanon. Expecting orders. (This was the start of Gen. John Morgan’s ill-fated raid through Ky., Ind. and Ohio.)

Continental Hotel, Philadelphia, July 3, 1863.

Dear Father, — I arrived here last night from Gettysburg with General Reynolds’s body. Three other of his aides also came on with the body.

On the morning of July 1st we started from Moritz’s Tavern on the road from Emmetsburg to Gettysburg, and distant 7 miles from the latter place. The general was two miles in advance of his troops, and as he entered Gettysburg, he heard that the enemy were driving in our cavalry pickets, posted about a mile and a half from the town. He instantly rode out there on a gallop until he came in to General Buford, who commanded the cavalry. Here he found out that the enemy were advancing in strong force from Cashtown. The position in which our cavalry were posted was a very strong one, being a range of hills back of the town, and whoever held this range commanded the town and the country round about. Therefore it was very important for us to get there, but as the enemy were much nearer them than we were, and were advancing rapidly, the general was afraid he could not get there in time to hold them. He galloped back towards our troops about 2 miles off, and on the way asked me if my horse was in good condition. As I had travelled 30 miles the day before, I said that she was not, but that I would go anywhere with her that he wished me to. He told me to ride as quickly as possible to General Meade and tell him that the enemy were advancing in strong force on the town, and that he was afraid they would get there before he did, but that he would fight them all the way through the town, and keep them back as long as possible. General Meade was at Taneytown, 14 miles distant. I started off on a gallop and got there in an hour and twenty minutes, very good time considering that my horse was so used up. I delivered the message to General Meade, and started back, and on my way back met General Reynolds’s body in an ambulance. I was very much shocked and felt very badly about it. The general, it seems, hurried his troops up and was getting them in position on this range I spoke of, when the enemy opened on them; and while the general was rallying some of his men, he was shot in the back of his head, killing him almost instantly. A braver man or a better soldier than General R. never lived. He was a very reserved man, but still a kind one, and one for whom I had the utmost respect and regard. His kindness to me I shall never forget.

At the time he was shot, the general had command of the three Corps, the First, Eleventh, and Third. The First was coming on to the ground, the Eleventh near at hand, and the Third some ten miles distant. I offered my services to General Howard, who took command, and was sent by him to General Schurz, to see how he was getting on. Just before I got to him the rebels got into the town and began firing. As I passed by a board fence along the road, I could hear the bullets come crashing through, making an unpleasant noise about one’s ears. I found our men running back, the enemy having flanked us, and General Schurz was riding up the street, when I saw him. I had seen this rebel regiment approaching the town, and was sent both to see General S. and to find out what troops these were. I had good evidence that they were rebels. I reported then to General Howard. Our troops were now falling back in some confusion, having been flanked on both sides from the rebel line overlapping ours, from mere superiority in numbers. We took position, however, on a high hill on the south side of the town, where there was a cemetery, and along a stone wall in front our men were posted, with the batteries behind them. The rebels pushed out a few skirmishers against us, but these were soon driven back, and soon we drove the rebels out of the town again. So affairs stood at nine P.M., when I left with Major Riddle to catch up with the general’s body, which had gone ahead. We rode about 30 miles, to Westminster, where we met the body, and took the cars for Baltimore. To-morrow morning we go to Lancaster to the funeral, and on Monday I expect to start for the army again. I shall try to get on to General Sedgwick’s staff, but if I do not succeed, I shall go to my regiment. . . .

July 3. — Started from the hotel this morning with Mitchell, and ordered a pair of trousers, to be finished to-morrow, as we go to the general’s funeral then. In the afternoon I dined with Rosengarten, and then proceeded to make some calls. I first went to Mr. Furness’s, but found him the only one at home, as the three boys had gone to the war. In the evening I met Milton at the hotel, and called with him on Hallowell and Parkman Blake.[1] I met Frank Haseltine[2] at Blake’s, and was of course delighted to see him.


[1] S. Parkman Blake, Harvard 1855.

[2] My classmate.

Friday, 3d—We received orders to be ready to march at a moment’s warning. Getting the orders we started about 10 o’clock at night for Messenger’s ford on the lower Big Black river, about four miles from our bivouac, and reached the ford at midnight. We are to stop Johnston from crossing the river, as it is thought he is making an effort to cross at the ford to strike Sherman’s right flank.

Before Vicksburg, Friday, July 3. 9 A. M. A flag of truce appeared opposite Smith’s Division, accompanied by General Bowen and Colonel Montgomery, who were taken to Grant’s headquarters, blindfolded. 12 M. General Pemberton met U. S. Grant under a large tree on the road to Vicksburg, to our right, with their staff on the outside of their respective works. The parley was continued until dark, when they withdrew. Orders issued not to fire until further orders. A strange day to us, so quiet and calm.

But a gloom was cast on the 6th Battery notwithstanding the hopeful indications of the truce. After the flag had appeared on the left and firing had ceased on both sides, and the men carelessly exposed themselves to view, a miscreant, yes, a brute in human form, took advantage of the opportunity to deprive one at least of his life, now, when unguarded, when under other circumstances he would have failed. Alvah B. Page, gunner of the second piece, was shot in the left ear, while sitting on the piece, instantly killing a noble life and good soldier, much loved and respected by all, and one of the best shots in the Battery. Many a time had he planted his missiles where they carried terror to the enemy’s heart. His last words were the hopeful ones “I guess they are gone up”. He lived to sight the last gun fired at the enemy’s stronghold. A siege gun was to be given him the very morning he was buried in a soldier’s grave, 2 P. M.

JULY 3D.—Uncle Sam’s cashier has arrived at last, and we have been paid for two months’ service. The married men are quite anxious to send their money home to their wives and little ones. It is risky sending money North from here, yet, to some, more dangerous to keep it. I saw two boys sitting on a log, today, playing poker at five cents a game. Five cent currency is paid in a sheet, and, as either lost the game, a five cent piece was torn off.

July 3 — Last night an alarm reached camp that the Yankees were pressing General Imboden’s brigade of cavalry, which was about ten miles in our front. We were ordered to march at once, which was at about one o’clock last night. We marched down the Baltimore pike, and when we drew near where Imboden’s men were camped we learned that the report which reached us last night was false, as there were no enemy near General Imboden. His command was camped on the western slope of the Blue Ridge. We passed it and pressed on toward Gettysburg.

This morning just before day we passed through Fayetteville, a little village at the western foot of the Blue Ridge. As we passed through there were two men chopping down a large flagpole that stood in the center of the little town. We crossed the Blue Ridge and moved down the pike toward Gettysburg, as far as Cashtown, a small village eight miles from Gettysburg. We halted at Cashtown about two hours, cooked and ate our breakfast, and while we were eating our morning meal a furious battle was raging in the direction of Gettysburg, apparently some five or six miles distant. From the way the artillery howled and thundered the conflict must have been fierce, furious, and sanguinary. At one o’clock this afternoon we were ordered, with Jones’ Cavalry, to the right of our army. We moved round on a road that passes through a little village named Fairfield. At one point of the road from a high hill we had a distant view of the battle-field, yet we saw nothing but a vast bank of thick battle smoke, with thousands of shell exploding above the surface of the white, smoking sea. The sight was grand beyond description and awe-inspiring in the extreme. Our line looked to me from our point of observation to be about three miles long and enveloped in thick smoke, from which came a fearful roar and clash of musketry accompanied with a deep continuous roll of booming artillery, such as an American soldier never heard before on this continent. The artillery fire at one time was so heavy that the hills shook and the air trembled, and the deep thunder rolled through the sky in one incessant roar like as if the giants of war were hurling thunderbolts at each other in the clouds and rushing their war chariots across the trembling, sounding welkin. On our way we encountered the Sixth Regiment of United States regular cavalry on the road, between Cashtown and Fairfield.

The regiment had flanked around the right of our army and were already in the rear of General Lee’s line, and just ready to capture or destroy some of our wagon train when we met them. The enemy instantly perceived that they were checkmated in their undertaking, and commenced firing on us and our cavalry, instead of destroying wagons and frightening teamsters. We immediately put our guns in battery and opened on them, and our cavalry also opened with small arms, and for a while the conflict was fierce and hot. The old regulars fought stubbornly and well, but our cavalry completely frustrated their design, and almost demolished the regiment, killing and wounding many of them and capturing about two hundred prisoners.

After the fight we moved to Fairfield, a small village on the Cashtown road, and remained there till nearly night, when we moved a mile from Fairfield and camped for the night.

In the fight to-day we had our guns in position in a wheat field where the wheat was standing thick, and nearly as high as my head, and dead ripe. It looked like a shame to have war in such a field of wheat.

[Diary] July 3.

Mr. Pierce here. We are busy making white rosettes with a tri-colored button, for the Fourth, for our whole school to wear. Our children sing “The Star Spangled Banner” well. All the schools met in the church to practise yesterday. The poor smallpox convalescents were so disappointed when I told them they ought not to come.

July 3, Friday. I met the President and Seward at the War Department this morning. A dispatch from General Meade, dated 3 P.M. yesterday, is in very good tone. The Sixth Army Corps, he says, was just arriving entire but exhausted, having been on the march from 9 P.M. of the preceding evening. In order that they may rest and recruit, he will not attack, but is momentarily expecting an onset from the Rebels.

They were concentrating for a fight, and, unless Meade is greatly deceived, there will be a battle in the neighborhood of Gettysburg. I hope our friends are not deceived so that the Rebel trains with their plunder can escape through the valley.