Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

The American Civil War

January 4.— Huntersville, a depot for rebel supplies in the mountains, between Huttonsville and Warm Springs, Va., was attacked by the National troops, and all the supplies there were captured and destroyed. The National troops engaged were detachments of the Fifth Ohio, the Second Virginia, and Bradsin’s Cavalry — some seven hundred and forty in all. The rebels had four hundred cavalry and three hundred and fifty infantry. Two miles from Huntersville, the National troops were met by the rebel cavalry, who were driven from point to point, and at last the whole rebel force beat a hasty retreat from the town as the Nationals charged through it —(Doc 4.)

—All the Kentucky banks, located where rebel domination prevails, were consolidated under Henry J. Lyons, formerly of Louisville, as President, who had authority to run them for the Southern Confederacy.—Louisville Journal, January 4.

—Judge Hemphill, ex-Senator in the Congress of the United States, and afterwards a member of the rebel Congress, died in Richmond, Va.

—Gen. Jackson, with a large rebel force, appeared at Bath, Va., where there were but about five hundred Union troops, these being detachments of several regiments. An attack was made by the whole rebel militia, who were twice repulsed by the National volunteers. Subsequently General Jackson’s regulars made an attack in front, at the same time executing a flank movement, when the National troops fell back on Hancock, Va.—(Doc. 5.)

Friday, January 3. — Last evening threatened snow but too cold. Today cold and dry. P. M. 4 o’clock began to rain; may rain for a month now.

Charles, an honest-looking contraband — six feet high, stout-built, thirty-six years old, wife sold South five years ago,— came in today from Union, Monroe County. He gives me such items as the following: Footing boots $9 to $10. New boots $18 to $20. Shoes $4 to $4.50. Sugar 25 to 30 [cents a pound], coffee 62½, tea $1.50, soda 62½, pepper 75, bleached domestic 40 to 50 [cents a yard.] Alex Clark [his master], farmer near Union (east of it), Monroe County, one hundred and fifty (?) miles from Fayetteville — fifty miles beyond (?) Newbern. Started Saturday eve at 8 P. M., reached Raleigh next Monday night; crossed New River at Packs Ferry. (Packs a Union man.)

Companies broken up in Rebel army by furloughs, discharges, and sickness. Rich men’s sons get discharges. Patrols put out to keep slaves at home. They tell slaves that the Yankees cut off arms of some negroes to make them worthless and sell the rest in Cuba for twenty-five hundred dollars each to pay cost of war. “No Northern gentlemen fight — only factory men thrown out of employ.” They (the negroes) will fight for the North if they find the Northerners are such as they think them.

Union is a larger and much finer town than Fayetteville. William Erskine, keeper of Salt Sulphur Springs, don’t let Rebels stay in his houses. Suspected to be a Union man. Lewisburg three times as large as Fayetteville. Some Fayetteville people there. People in Greenbrier [County] don’t want to fight any more.

General Augustus Chapman the leading military man in Monroe. Allen T. Capelton, the other mem[ber] of Legislature, Union man, had his property taken by them. Named Joshua Seward, farmer. Henry Woolwine, ditto, for Union, farmer, [living] near Union — three and three and one-half miles off. Dr. Ballard a good Union man (storekeeper) on the road from Giles to Union, twelve miles from Peterstown, also robbed by Floyd. Wm. Ballard and a large connection, all Union men — all in Monroe. Oliver Burns and Andrew Burns contributed largely to the Rebels. John Eckles in Union has a fine brick house — a Rebel colonel. Rebels from towards Lynchburg and Richmond would come by way of Covington, forty-five miles from Union. Landlords of principal hotel Rebels — one at Manassas. Two large, three-story high-school buildings, opposite sides of the street, on the hill this end of town. “Knobs,” or “Calder’s Peak,” three miles from town. A hilly country, but more cleared and better houses than about Fayetteville.

They “press” poor folks’ horses and teams not the rich folks’. Poor folks grumble at being compelled to act as patrols to keep rich men’s negroes from running off. “When I came with my party, eleven of us, in sight of your pickets, I hardly knew what to do. If you were such people as they had told us, we would suffer. Some of the party turned to run. A man with a gun called out halt. I saw through the fence three more with guns. They asked, ‘Who comes there?’ I called out ‘Friends.’ The soldier had his gun raised; he dropped it and said: ‘Boys, these are some more of our colored friends,’ and told us to ‘come on, not to be afraid,’ that we were safe. Oh, I never felt so in my life. I could cry, I was so full of joy. And I found them and the major (Comly) and all I have seen so friendly — such perfect gentlemen, just as we hoped you were, but not as they told us you were.”

New York, January 3, 1862

Here I am in barracks in New York and under orders for Port Royal, with the thermometer about zero and a small pandemonium all around me. I went out to camp about eight days ago in the dead of winter, and when the strong north wind blew. Sunday we struck our camp and moved for the South. It was n’t a pleasant day, for the Blue Hills looked cold and dreary and snow packed on the deserted camp ground; and while the earth was covered with ice the sky was grey and uncompromising and the wind rough and cold. It was dismal enough I assure you and I was glad enough when we were hurried into the cars. John was the only person to see me off, much to my relief, for I was in the cross and hungry rather than the sentimental mood.

Then came a chapter of accidents. Our Major got drunk before we left and has continued so ever since, and the battalion has taken care of itself. That officer has now disappeared, we hope forever, and at last we have got ourselves comfortably quartered. We are barracked in a German amusement building and grove on 64th street, and our horses are stabled in large sheds not far off, and the room in which I am writing is the parlor and sleeping room of the officers and the headquarters of the battalion. The weather is beastly cold and very windy, and the horses suffer though the men are comfortable. As for me I never was better in my life. The exposure has been pretty severe and the change of life great; but I am always well in the open air and jolly among a crowd of fellows, so no sympathy need be wasted on me. I like it and like it better than I expected. I fall into the life very easily and find my spring experience at the fort of inestimable service. Already I feel as much at home in charge of the guard or the company stables as I ever did in my office. I ‘m sure if I like it so far I shall continue to do so, for we’ve had a pretty rough time, and Caspar Crowninshield says the most disgusting he ever had. But I certainly like it so far and expect to continue to do so.

 

We are off soon — probably within ten days — for Port Royal. We like the idea fairly, though we would prefer to go to other places. For myself I should prefer to winter at Annapolis, and next to that to be sent to Texas, but as for being cooped up on Hilton Head all winter, I don’t relish the idea much, though as regards climate it will be a pleasant change. As for active service, it’s just impossible. You could n’t get our horses within a mile of firearms, and the drilling task before us is something terrible to contemplate. We are all green, officers, men and horses, and long practice is absolutely necessary. But we can do, I imagine, picket and camp duty. My wants (?) will probably be found on board ship.

On New-Year’s Day, when everybody was making the compliments of the season, Messrs MASON and SLIDELL were quietly conveyed from Fort Warren and placed on board the British war-steamer Rinaldo, which forthwith put to sea; and if the hurricane which blew the whole night did not send DAVIS’ “ambassadors” to Davy’s locker, they are now on the fair way of completing the voyage which Captain WILKES cut short six weeks ago. It having been decided in the great Council of Trent, that England has a right to the two worthies, the corpora delictorum have been cheerfully yielded up by the Government; and as the “mob,” that dreadful creation of the London Times’ fancy, which it was predicted would sooner see the country smashed than the prisoners given up, has not interposed any obstacle, but, on the contrary, has shown itself most languidly indifferent to their taking off, the strange episode in the history of the times with which the names of MASON and SLIDELL are connected, may be considered as ended.

It is curious to contrast the intense excitement caused by the news of the arrest of the rebel “Ambassadors” with the perfect indifference felt at the announcement of their departure. But there is nothing illogical in the two sentiments. The whole country rejoiced at the arrest of two notorious rebels who had been engaged in plotting their country’s ruin, and were going abroad the more effectually to carry on the work. But it was presently seen that their arrest, on board an English vessel, was an act which concerned England as well as ourselves. Accordingly, with that inquisitive temper that marks the American mind, the whole North organized itself into a vast Court of Inquiry and a thousand Presses canvassed the case in all its bearings in view of International Law. It may be that, under the first excitement of the capture, we were somewhat forgetful of our traditional American policy in the matter of neutral rights, and this led us to look too exclusively into British principles and precedents. But as time passed, and the case opened up more fully, a recollection of our larger and more permanent interests in the great question, and how they would be jeopardized should we insist on justifying the arrest, added to a growing conviction of what Mr. SEWARD has called the “comparative insignificance of the individuals concerned,” operated a marked change in the views of the thoughtful; so that when the policy of the Government was announced, it found the public in a great measure prepared to acquiesce in their decision for the surrender of the prisoners. And if an imperfect appreciation of all the motives that prompted the Administration to take the step it did, left with some a sense of humiliation, it has already wholly disappeared under the influence of Secretary SEWARD’s admirable logic.

The result is that nobody feels the slightest interest in the two wretched traitors, of whom the country is now happily rid. In fact, the more personalities of MASON and SLIDELL have become so overslaughed by theoretic questions of International Law, that a good many people have begun to regard them as a good deal of a myth.

January 3.—A detachment of National troops, under Col. Glover, three hundred in number, came upon a camp of rebels, two hundred and eighty strong, nine miles north of Hunnewell, Mo., fired upon and drove in the pickets, when the rebels broke line, leaving guns and hats along in the flight. Glover’s men took eight prisoners before they crossed the railroad, south at the Paris crossing, when they were only half an hour behind the rebels, and expected to bag them before night. The names of the prisoners are Harvey Kincade and John Kincade, Ramsdell Payne, and a fellow belonging to Price’s army named “Jew Davy,” and four others, whoso names are not known. John Kincade helped to burn Salt River bridge and tank, and said the bridge should be burned down as often as built up. — Hannibal Messenger.

—A Scouting party, about seven or eight hundred strong, consisting of six companies of the Coast Guard, six companies of the Twentieth New York regiment, and three companies of Harlan’s Cavalry, left Camp Hamilton, under command of Acting Brigadier-General Weber, accompanied by Majors Vegesack and Carling, of Gen. Wool’s staff. About two miles beyond Little Bethel, the infantry halted, and the cavalry proceeded toward Big Bethel, and six miles east of that place met the mounted picket, which was driven in. The cavalry gave chase, but were unable to overtake them. On arriving at Big Bethel the place appeared to have been deserted, and careful examination showed that to be the case. It had apparently been occupied by three or four thousand men, including two or three hundred cavalry. Breastworks were found nearly half a mile in extent, and pierced for twelve guns. After a short stay, the scouting party returned.—N. Y. Times, January 6.

—Two hundred and forty National troops, who had been held prisoners by the rebels, at Richmond, Va., mostly after the battle of Bull Run, and who had been exchanged for a like number of rebel prisoners, arrived at Fortress Monroe. The rebel steamer Northampton brought them down from Richmond, and, nine miles above Newport News, Va., transferred them to the National steamer George Washington. The scene of the transfer was very exciting. As they stepped once more under the protection of the Stars and Stripes, they could not conceal their joy, and cheer on cheer welcomed them from every vessel as they proceeded down the river. The released prisoners immediately proceeded to Baltimore.—N. Y. Times, January 5.

2nd.—I think my hospital can boast, just now, the happiest set of sick men I ever saw. I have now twenty-seven of them. This morning, as I was prescribing for them, (all sitting up) some reading the morning papers, and talking loudly over war news, some playing whist, some checkers, some chess, some dominoes—all laughing and merry, Gen. H––– walked in, and, looking for a moment along the line of sick, exclaimed, “What the h—ll have you got here?” “My hospital, General.” “A Brigade,” replied he in his roughest manner, “of a d—d sight better men than you have left me. Where are your sick, sir?” “All here, sir.” “Well, this beats anything I have seen in the army, and if you give your men such beds and such comforts as this, you will have every man of your regiment in hospital before a month.” They have had a glorious holiday. The boxes, and other presents received within the last eight days, have awakened vivid recollections of home, and of “the girls they left behind them.” They are all the better for these things, and when I return them to their quarters, they take hold of their work with a will, and with a feeling that if taken sick, they have a pleasant hospital to go to.

I make here a record of some observations in relation to “hospital fevers,” “hospital sores,” “foul air of hospitals,” and such clap-trap. I have lately visited many tent hospitals, in the open field, where I have witnessed cases of “hospital gangrene,” low typhoid fevers, with gangrenous toes or fingers dropping off, and heard scientific men, in scientific discussions, attributing it all to the foul air of the hospital! And this, too, in the open field, where not more than thirty or forty were together, and where the wind swept past them, free as the fresh breezes on the top of the Alleghanies!! ‘Twas a gangrene of the mind, for want of free ventilation of the brain. There is no disease so contagious, or so depressing to vital energy when taken, as inactivity and gloominess of mind. Introduce one such temperament into your hospital, without an accompanying antidote, and the condition will be communicated to all others in the hospital, with as much certainty, and with greater rapidity, than would the infection of small-pox or measles. Let the admission of such a patient be accompanied by the presence of a long, sour-faced hospital steward, who keeps in the hospital tent a table covered with cups, and spoons, and vials, and pill-boxes, and syringes, and who mingles with every potion he gives a homily on hospital sickness, on fatality in the army, on the number of deaths from typhoid in the next tent, and my word and observation for it, though the breezes of that hospital come fresh “from Greenland’s icy mountains,” they will be freighted with the mephitic vapors of hospital fever and gangrene.

Instead of the above, let the Surgeon pass frequently through his hospital, making it a rule never to leave till he has elicited a hearty laugh from every one in it. For his Steward’s table of mirth-repelling instruments, introduce light reading, chess-men, checkers, dominoes, cards, puzzles, their use to be regulated by a corps of jolly, mirth loving, but judicious nurses. Then let him throw up the bottoms of his tent walls, giving everything around an air of cheerfulness, and if he does not find the diseases of the field hospital milder and more tractable than at home, my word for it, it will be in consequence of the officious over-dosing by the doctor. I do not mean that cleanliness is not an essential; but I must bear in mind that a pile of nasty, out-of-place rubbish, is as incompatible with cheerfulness, as it is with purity of surrounding air. A clean bed, even, exhilarates the mind, as promptly as it corrects the foul odors of a soiled one. Since I have been in the army, I have lost all dread of the much-talked-of foul air of hospitals, only so far as it is difficult to correct the mental atmosphere about it. This is in reference to its influence on diseases. I have not yet had an opportunity of observing the effects of crowds in surgical wards—that will come before long, and I shall be greatly relieved if I find the same records applicable there.

Jany 2nd 1862

It has been cooler today but not freezing until night, high wind last night which changed before morning. In the office today. Nothing new stirring. The presidents sons here again to dinner with our boys who went home with them and did not return till near 9 o’clock. The boys have a show at the White House, Magic Lantern &c. The President usualy looks in. They say they send him a free ticket!! Mr & Mrs Lincoln take particular notice of our boys. They have dined with the President on two or three occasions. They have the “run” of the “White House.” Col Merrick and I went down to Willards this evening, the first time he has been out. Saw Genl McDowell and some other notables, came home before 7 o’clk. Mis Lowry called and spent an hour. The Col and I took a litle hot whiskey about 9 and the Col retired. 11 o’clock now, I am to bed too.

 

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of Congress.

Jan. 2, 1862.—I am glad enough to bid ‘61 goodbye. Most miserable year of my life! What ages of thought and experience have I not lived in it.

Last Sunday I walked home from church with a young lady teacher in the public schools. The teachers have been paid recently in “shin-plasters.” I don’t understand the horrid name, but nobody seems to have any confidence in the scrip. In pure benevolence I advised my friend to get her money changed into coin, as in case the Federals took the city she would be in a bad fix, being in rather a lonely position. She turned upon me in a rage.

“You are a black-hearted traitor,” she almost screamed at me in the street, this well-bred girl! “My money is just as good as coin you’ll see! Go to Yankee land. It will suit you better with your sordid views and want of faith, than the generous South.”

“Well,” I replied, “when I think of going, I’ll come to you for a letter of introduction to your grandfather in Yankee land.” I said good-morning and turned down another street in a sort of a maze, trying to put myself in her place and see what there was sordid in my advice.

Luckily I met Mrs. B. to turn the current of thought. She was very merry. The city authorities have been searching houses for fire-arms. It is a good way to get more guns, and the homes of those men suspected of being Unionists were searched first. Of course they went to Dr. B.’s. He met them with his own delightful courtesy. “Wish to search for arms? Certainly, gentlemen.” He conducted them through all the house with smiling readiness, and after what seemed a very thorough search bowed them politely out. His gun was all the time safely reposing between the canvas folds of a cot-bed which leaned folded up together against the wall, in the very room where they had ransacked the closets. Queerly, the rebel families have been the ones most anxious to conceal all weapons. They have dug pits quietly at night in the back yards, and carefully wrapping the weapons, buried them out of sight. Every man seems to think he will have some private fighting to do to protect his family.

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Note: To protect Mrs. Miller’s job as a teacher in New Orleans, the diary was published anonymously, edited by G. W. Cable, names were changed and initials were often used instead of full names — and even the initials differed from the real person’s initials.

January 2.—This morning, about half-past nine o’clock, the rebels reappeared in the woods near Port Royal Ferry, S. C, whence they had been driven yesterday. A sharp firing was kept up for some time by the Union gunboats, to keep them in check, throwing shot and shell into the woods. Before ten o’clock the Union troops crossed the Coosaw River, under cover of the boats, and proceeded down the river en route for Port Royal Harbor.—(Doc. 2.)

—In the Confederate Congress at Richmond, Va., Daniel P. White, of Kentucky, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat.

—The steamship Ella Warley, formerly the Isabel, from Nassau, ran the blockade, and arrived at Charleston, S. C, at daylight this morning. She was chased and ineffectually shelled by the blockaders. She brings a valuable assorted cargo and passengers, including Mr. Bisbie, formerly a delegate in the Virginia Legislature from the city of Norfolk. Mr. Bisbie is a bearer of important dispatches from Mr. Yancey, and has started for Richmond.—Charleston Mercury, January 3.

—General Stone, at Poolesville, Md., issued an order cautioning the troops under his command against encouraging insubordination and rebellion among the slaves, and threatening punishment to such as might violate his orders.— (Doc. 3.)

—An experiment was tried this morning for the purpose of determining whether the rebel battery at Cockpit Point, on the Potomac River, could be attacked, and if so, in what manner with the greatest hopes of success. At ten o’clock, the gunboat Anacostia approached the battery, and took up a position somewhat above and opposite Mattawoman creek. She threw in a number of shells, several of which were seen to explode into the rebel battery. The steamer Yankee then got under way, and stood for the battery, ranging herself right opposite. She commenced by firing two shells from her bow-gun, a sixty-four-pounder, and afterwards continued to pour in her fire on the enemy from her after-guns, consisting of a thirty-two-poundcr, and twenty-four-pounder brass howitzer, and a twelve-pounder brass rifled cannon. The enemy replied to the Yankee, for the Anacostia was so placed that the batteries could not hit her, throwing four shots, the second of which struck the Yankee, entering the forecastle on the portside, her head being up the river, and knocking away a knee entirely; passing to the starboard-side, the shot smashed another knee and dropped on the floor, its force being spent.—Philadelphia Press, January 4.

—The Memphis Argus of this date gives the following picture of the situation of affairs at the South: Price is in full retreat southward. Price will probably continue in full retreat, for there are several—indeed no less than three—Union armies, each as large, better armed, and better equipped, converging upon him. His past victories have been rendered valueless. Union forces have been massed in Kentucky too great for a man of Sydney Johnston’s calibre to venture to attack, and the paralyzing of Price through the withdrawal of McCulloch, has rendered the overrunning of Missouri, to the Arkansas frontier, an easy task to the Unionists.

We’re forced back out of Missouri — checkmated in Kentucky. Chase has obtained his money in Wall street. The blockade is unbreakable by us as yet. In one word, we’re hemmed in. We’ve allowed the moment of victory to pass. We were so anxious watching the operations of England, that we stand aghast, on turning our eyes homeward again, to find ourselves ten times worse off than we were ere the commencement of Price’s last forward march, and that accursedly used sensationalism, the arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell.

Day follows day, and in lieu of being weakened, we find the Federal armies at all points being strengthened, almost every article of manufacturing and domestic necessity quadrupled in price, and our money will soon be exceeding scarce for lack of paper and pasteboard wherewith to make it. We pay fifteen cents apiece for sperm candles, and we are told we ought to be glad to get them at that.

Our twelve-months soldiers’ time will soon be up; and we can not help asking, as they do themselves, what have they been permitted or led to do? It is an old and ever-proven truism that when two nations are at war, that which has the least means must find success in early and rapid action, for it can gain little by time, while the other finds in time the power to bring into efficient use its more varied means.

Cabined, cribbed, confined as we were, and evidently would be, our shortest, clearest and most noble policy was to find in the rapid use of our early revolutionary enthusiasm an overmatch for the slower and less spirited, but more enduring North. Where shall we ask relief; where should we ask it save in the camps on whom we have lavished our heart’s blood, our hopes, our wealth, our whole; where but upon the banks of the Potomac? When will we see an end of the farce there being enacted, at our expense?

Indirectly every mouthful we eat is taxed; our babies wear taxed caps and shoes; our boys write on taxed paper; our girls wear taxed calicoes; our men do a taxed business, and hopelessly ride in a taxed hearse to a taxed grave, and we, forsooth, are hurting “the cause” if we dare to turn from Messrs. Mason and Slidell to look at the country we were born and bred in, and, having looked, we are hurting the cause if we dare tell what we sea Our cause is right, it is holy.

Our suffering may be God’s price of success, but who, seeing what might have been, and knows what is being suffered through its being undone, can refrain from cursing the selfishness or idiocy that stopped the conquering Beauregard, that arrested the march of Price, that checked the gallant Jackson? We have gazed imploringly on the lion, while the fox has been weaving his toils. Our press and our people have trusted far enough. We now ask, are we to continue hemmed in for another six months and lack all things, or shall our armies on to Washington and lack nothing?

—Despatches were received at St. Louis, Mo., announcing the capture of the notorious Jeff. Owens, Colonel Jones, and fifty of their bridge-burning gang, near Martinsburg, Adrian county, by General Schofield, commander of the State militia, and that the various guerrilla bands along the North-Missouri Railroad had been pretty thoroughly scattered.—National Intelligencer, January 4.

Lord Lyons has evinced the most moderate and conciliatory spirit, and has done everything in his power to break Mr. Seward’s fall on the softest of eider down. Some time ago we were all prepared to hear nothing less would be accepted than Captain Wilkes taking Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board the San Jacinto, and transferring them to the Trent, under a salute to the flag, near the scene of the outrage; at all events, it was expected that a British man-of-war would have steamed into Boston, and received the prisoners under a salute from Fort Warren; but Mr. Seward, apprehensive that some outrage would be offered by the populace to the prisoners and the British Flag, has asked Lord Lyons that the Southern Commissioners may be placed, as it were, surreptitiously, in a United States boat, and carried to a small seaport in the State of Maine, where they are to be placed on board a British vessel as quietly as possible; and this exigent, imperious, tyrannical, insulting British Minister has cheerfully acceded to the request. Mr. Conway Seymour, the Queen’s messenger, who brought Lord Russell’s despatch, was sent back with instructions for the British Admiral, to send a vessel to Providence town for the purpose; and as Mr. Johnson, who is nearly connected with Mr. Eustis, one of the prisoners, proposed going to Boston to see his brother-in-law, if possible, ere he started, and as there was not the smallest prospect of any military movement taking place, I resolved to go northwards with him; and we left Washington accordingly on the morning of the 31st of December, and arrived at the New York Hotel the same night.

To my great regret and surprise, however, I learned it would be impracticable to get to Fort Warren and see the prisoners before their surrender. My unpopularity, which had lost somewhat of its intensity, was revived by the exasperation against everything English, occasioned by the firmness of Great Britain in demanding the Commissioners; and on New Year’s Night, as I heard subsequently, Mr. Grinell and other members of the New York Club were exposed to annoyance and insult, by some of their brother members, in consequence of inviting me to be their guest at the club.