Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Fort Gillem, Monday, Dec. 12. By laying up snug we kept warm last night. This morning the sun came out, and thawed a very little during the day. As notified last night, Griff and I were of the ten to go after wood with Sergeant Dziewanowski. Ate an early breakfast and started out. Reported to Powell’s headquarters. He sent us to a piece of wood on Hillsboro Pike, which was once the woodland park of some church, now to be cut down by the artillery. Permission granted by General Thomas. I am not a big chopper, but I chopped “big” for a while. Teams took one load to camp and came back for the others. Returned 2 P. M. Beans and coffee disposed of by appreciative appetites.

All the pikes leading to the front are filled with cavalry, apparently waiting for the cloak of darkness to hide their deeds. We hear of a big fight at Murfreesboro. Rosecrans captured 6,000 prisoners, and is in their rear eight miles from here. Our troops on the front line are under marching orders. Two days’ rations in haversacks, I think. The time is near at hand when Hood will be beautifully, though terribly thrashed for his insolence in thus invading Tennessee, at least I hope so. We are in anticipation of moving too. The “fates” may miss us this time.

12th. Monday. Wrote letter for Fecklin and several in answer to letters for Co. “C” people. Awfully cold.

December 12, 1864.—Left Americus on Sunday, the 27th ult . We had a very nice box-car. Mrs. W., not being very well, had a bunk put up in one corner, and we had a curtain hung across, making quite a snug little room. In the afternoon we stopped at a place called Butler, where we were detained all night. It was bleak and barren-looking, and had very deep sand. Dr. Hughes and myself went to service, which was held in a small building. We heard a very good sermon preached by a chaplain. There were numbers of soldiers there; and, as usual, all listened with profound attention. The preacher told us that the war would not cease until Christians lived more up to what they professed than they did now, and that they had much to answer for in this matter. The Bragg Hospital was on the train with us. Miss Burford and Mrs. Byrom, the matrons, and Dr. Cross’s family were with it, which made the trip much pleasanter for us. Dr. Cross was a man of wealth, and when he joined the army left his family well provided for. They lived near Tuscumbia, in the northern portion of Alabama. When the enemy went there they took every thing that Mrs. Cross had: upward of seventy negroes, twenty-five thousand pounds of meat, all her live stock, and a large amount of grain, and a large supply of groceries for family use. After they took all of these things, they politely asked Mrs. Cross to leave the house, as they intended burning it. They would not give her time to get a change of clothes for her children. Her old father was an invalid, and had to hobble out on crutches. After getting through with her house, they went to a neighbor’s and did the same. The officer in command made a great fuss talking; but, as usual, did nothing to restore what was lost. I have been intimate with this amiable family some time, and their uncomplaining endurance of their wrongs has excited my unbounded admiration. I have never heard a complaint from any of them. Mrs. C. tells me that, since she has lost every thing, nothing annoys her. Miss C. is a highly educated and refined young lady, and has traveled in Europe.

We left Butler on the 28th, and arrived at Columbus the same day. There we met some of our Newnan friends, who had gone there for fear of the enemy.

Columbus is quite a pretty place; the streets are very wide, and the houses handsome; many of them had very beautiful flower-gardens around them. I noticed some very magnificent public buildings. It is on the Chattahooche River, ninety miles west south-west of Macon, one hundred and twenty-eight miles west southwest of Milledgeville, and two hundred and ninety miles west of Savannah. The river is the dividing state line; a handsome bridge extends across it to the village of Gerad, in Alabama, which is well fortified in case of raids. At this point it is navigable for steamboats to the Gulf of Mexico during eight months of the year. Large quantities of cotton were shipped from here annually, and at this time it is filled with that staple, sent from various points, to be out of the way of the enemy. It is the terminus of the Moscogee Railroad, and a branch of the West Point.

We left Columbus on the 30th, about 8 A. M.; arrived in Montgomery the same day. I learned that the trains were not running to Mobile, as something had happened to the railroad; and as I had no money to pay my passage on the boat, I was compelled to remain in Montgomery, with the hope of soon getting on with the hospital. Montgomery was filled with hospitals, moving in the same direction as ourselves; so there was a prospect of a lengthy sojourn at that place.

We were given possession of an empty car that had been set aside for refugees, which I named “Refugee Hall.” We did very well, considering every thing. We had our cooking done outside, and the weather was very fine. I shall not have so much sympathy for refugees I see in cars again. But we were not in it long enough for the novelty to wear off.

On Sunday, the 4th inst., I went to the church of the “Holy Comforter.” The rector, Dr. Scott, preached an excellent sermon. The Bragg Hospital had left to go to Gainesville, by the way of Selma.

On Monday, the 5th, I called to see Dr. Scott on business, and he very kindly gave me aid. He introduced me to a friend, Judge Jordan (another refugee from Florida), who transacted my business with dispatch. I am much indebted to him for his kindness.

I saw little prospect of the hospital getting away from Montgomery, as the boats were busy and so few. I concluded to come on by myself, and pay my way, as we were told that if we went at government expense we would have to take a deck passage. Dr. Hughes very kindly loaned me $200; so on Tuesday, the 6th, I left Montgomery on a steamer for Selma. On the boat I met Bishop Wilmer of Alabama; with him, a highly accomplished lady, Mrs. Irwin, who was on her way to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, to become a deaconess.

I have no doubt that this order in the church, will be the means of accomplishing much good. Since the war we have felt the necessity of such an organization, to teach our women the art of nursing.

There are to be church homes for the benefit of the aged and helpless, orphan asylums, and schools, under their supervision. Bishop Wilmer is fortunate in having an excellent lady. Miss Hewitt of Baltimore, as chief deaconess. She is a woman of energy, intelligence, and devout piety.

Bishop Wilmer has been but a few years bishop of Alabama. He is a Virginian. He is the youngest-looking bishop I ever saw; he has nothing of the “venerable” in his appearance. He is very fine-looking—is a man of energy and ability, and is much beloved in his diocese.

We arrived at Selma on the 7th; there I saw Dr. Jackson, and learned that the Bragg Hospital was still in Selma. He sent a telegram for ours to come and go the same route. I had a little girl with me, for whom the clerk of the boat had charged full price. I sent for the captain (Finnigan); informed him of the circumstance, and that the child was a soldier’s orphan. He immediately refunded all the money.

We took another boat at 12 A. M., and started en route for Mobile. We had a very pleasant party on board; among them many of the citizens of Mobile returning home, who had refugeed from fear of an attack. I heard many say that they did not care what might happen, they would not run again.

Captain Curran, whom I little expected to see alive at this time, was on board. He is still helpless from his wound. There was also a very sick doctor, by the name of Holmes, whom I visited. Poor fellow! he did not look as if he was long for this world. He had been on duty with my friend, Dr. Devine, at Macon.

A young lady, Miss M., one of the handsomest women in Mobile, sat near me at table, and when I told her how I had been employed since the war, she said she had often wished to do the same. I wondered what hindered her.

I made the acquaintance of Rev. Dr. Hamilton of the Methodist Church; his wife and daughter were with him. I knew him well by reputation as an eminent preacher, and a particular friend of Mrs. W.’s.

I was introduced to Major Hester of the Twenty-second Alabama Regiment. We had a long talk about the times. He was on his way to the army; had been in the service ever since the commencement of the war. He said, when he saw so many men as there are at home making fortunes, who had never been in the service, that his patriotism cooled a little. He informed me that Montgomery was full of such. He has a relative, a Scotchman, who had run the blockade, and was daily expected back. I believe he was on government business. Scotland was a theme of conversation with us. Major H. was an enthusiastic admirer of “Auld Scotia,” as nearly all I have met in the South are.

I met an old friend, who was going to Mobile, in company with a bridal party, as even in these war times people “marry and are given in marriage.” The groom is a soldier. The bride was pretty, as all brides are, and we were much indebted to her for helping to while away the time, by discoursing “sweet music,” although the time did not hang heavy on my hands, as I had a copy of Joseph the Second—a charming work, by Muhlbach, translated from the German by one of our literary stars—Mrs. Chaudron.

We arrived at Mobile on the 9th, and found every thing pretty much as usual, and the enemy still expected.

Monday, 12th.—Picket line on our old works. Videttes as picket line. On detail all day. On picket at night. Very cold.

Monday, 12th—Our regiment was withdrawn from the rifle pits, the rebels having left during the night, and with our entire corps we moved about five miles to the right. Our division stacked arms until 3 p. m. when we fell in and marched two miles farther and again stacked arms. We now had to move over a two-mile causeway from ten to thirty feet high, but the rebels having planted batteries within range of the road, we waited to move after dark. Our teams were all sent around about fifteen miles. We ran the blockade under cover of the night, the rebels opening their batteries on us, without doing any damage. We went into camp about 8 o’clock.

Sunday, December 11.— This morning it was pleasant and clear, so that I had a chance to see Morris, James and Sullivan’s Islands. In the afternoon, about 5 o’clock, we were transferred to the United States, a propeller. These were chiefly field officers. Rebel flag-of-truce boats were out again this afternoon.

Colonel Lyon’s Letters.

Stevenson, Ala., Dec. 11, 1864.—We are progressing well with our fortifications. The weather is unusually cold and there is considerable suffering amongst the refugees, and even the soldiers are none too comfortable. Whether we are to have any trouble here with the enemy is uncertain, but I am not looking for an attack. Yet it may come, and we are rapidly getting in that frame of mind that we do not care much if it comes or not. It costs a man weary days and weeks of anxiety, toil, and almost suffering, to do his duty to his country in these times. I have nothing of interest to write about and if I had this letter will probably be a month old before you get it.

Boston, December 11, 1864

Meanwhile you will soon have the message and documents. What do you think of them? They strike me as excellent business documents, and the tone of the message in relation to slavery and conciliation I very much like. We are all tired of that eternal olive branch of conciliation. The rebels play brag and they outrage all nature. Now in public we must outbrag them, whatever chances of conciliation are kept open in private. And by the way, I am very curious to see the Diplomatic Correspondence of this year. Will the curious Scott Russell diplomatic fiasco see the light? I think it ought, if only to prove that we have ever been ready and almost eager to discuss schemes of pacification brought forward with even a shadow of authority.

One report, that of the Treasury, disappoints me mightily, and for reasons which I have already given you. It seems to be an able balance sheet. It proves that we are at the end of our tether and can borrow no more, and it stops there. We can’t go on as we are, he clearly shows, and he has only to propose a continuation of the old measures. He does not state a single principle of sound finance, but he makes a stately onslaught upon “speculators in gold.” Why not also on those in flour and pork? It is, to my mind, very ominous. The people are so weary of an inflated currency that they are far ahead of Mr. Fessenden, and yet he is Secretary, and we must wait to have him ruin his reputation at the expense of our credit. I now very much fear that repudiation of some sort and to a certain extent is well nigh inevitable. We must have taxation and neither systems of finance or gold bills will supply its place. We certainly could retrench immensely —bounties could be cut off for one thing. We could raise more money by a somewhat lower tariff and then the income tax is all our own. For myself I would not grumble at giving one-third of my income for the rest of the war, and, instead of preventing imports by excessive duties, I would stop the consumption of luxuries by a war-tax of thirty-three per cent on all incomes above $5000 a year. You see I have gone crazy on the subject of taxes. I am tired of paying one-tenth of my income for revenue and one-half of it for currency. However, Mr. Fessenden thinks differently and he speaks from the high places. Of our other two national lights, Mr. Sherman is said to entertain the views which I express and your old friend, Thad. Stevens, as soon as he has fixed our currency, is going to regulate by law the rising of the sun, so that the days shall be of equal length all the year round. . . .

December 11th, Sunday.—Cloudy and melting—snow vanishing rapidly. The thousand and one rumors of great achievements of Gen. Longstreet on the north side of the river seem to have been premature. Nothing official of any advantage gained over the enemy near the city has been received so far as I can learn. Gen. Lee, no doubt, directed Longstreet to make demonstrations on the enemy’s lines near the city, to ascertain their strength, and to prevent more reinforcements being sent on the south side, where the struggle will occur, if it has not already occurred.

There is no doubt that the enemy’s column sent toward Weldon has been checked, and great things are reported of Gen. Hampton’s cavalry.

A battle must certainly occur near Savannah, Ga. Sherman must assail our lines, or perish between two fires.

President Lincoln’s message to the Congress of the United States, republished in our papers, produces no marked effect. His adherence to a purpose of emancipation of the slaves, and his employment of them in his armies, will suffice for an indefinite prolongation of the war, and perhaps result in the employment of hundreds of thousands of slaves in our armies. The intimation, however, that all applications for “pardon,” etc. have been and are still favorably entertained, will certainly cause many of our croakers who fall into the lines of the United States forces to submit. Others, though so disposed, have not an opportunity to signify their submission. But everything depends upon events in the field.

Sunday 11. — Snow still on the ground. Wind high and very cold. Men must suffer on picket. Three deserters came in from Early. Early going to Staunton — perhaps to Richmond. Sherman and Hood “as they were.” Am getting anxious about Sherman.