Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Monday, December 6, 2010

Post image for Our national bird being in danger of splitting at last.

Our national bird being in danger of splitting at last.

December 6, 2010

Woolsey family letters during the War for the Union

To a Friend in Paris

New York, Dec. 5, 1860.

We came down to Centre Harbor on the 6th of November (the great day) and there the Republican majorities came rolling in for Abraham Lincoln. Our host in that place was of a practical turn, and, having no artillery and having some rocks to blast in the garden, laid his trains and waited for the news; and when the stage coach came in from Meredith village he “stood by to fire,” and all the rocks went off at once and made a pretty good noise. Georgy and I stopped in New Haven for a visit and had some delicious breezy, rushing, sparkling little sails in the bay and in the sound. We took to the salt water with a keen relish after nearly five months of mountains. Miss Rose Terry was in New Haven. She has just published a little volume of poems, and is writing New England stories for the magazines. Think of our national bird being in danger of splitting at last, like that odious fowl, the Austrian Eagle—a step toward realizing the vision of a “Bell-everett” orator in the late campaign, whose speech I read, and who saw the illustrious biped with “one foot upon the Atlantic shore, one on the golden strand, and one upon the islands of the main!” Not that I care for secession; let them go! We are told we “mustn’t buy too many new dresses this winter,” but still I say no matter —no compromises. Millions for defence, not one cent for tribute. I can live on a straw a day. “ So can I,” Georgy puts in here, “if one end of it is in a sherry cobbler.” But what a sight we must be to other peoples. Just as morning breaks over Italy with sunshine and singing, this evil cloud comes up in our heaven. Must there be a sort of systole and diastole in civilization, and must one nation go down in the balance as another goes up, till the great day that makes all things true? You read all this stuff in the papers: how the North “hurls back with scorn the giant strides of that Upas Tree, the slave power!” and how the South will no longer be “dragged at the chariot wheels of that mushroom, the Northwest!” The money men look blue and the drygoodsy men look black. Charles Rockwell has just gone to Georgia, rather against the advice of some of his friends, for the R’s are stout Republicans and given to being on their own side. Now and then an incident “comes home “that doesn’t get into the papers. Here is one that came under my own knowledge. A young lady, being rather delicate, decided three or four weeks ago to go to her friends in Georgia for the winter. For some reason they could not send for her, or even meet her at Savannah, so she set out alone. During the little voyage there was some talk in the cabin about John Brown. “But we must allow he was a brave man,” she said;—nothing more. The steamer arrived in the night, and she with some others waited on board till morning. Soon after daybreak, while she was making ready to go ashore, three gentlemen presented themselves to her; “understood she had expressed abolition sentiments, regretted the necessity,” etc.—the usual stuff — “if she would consult her safety she would leave immediately by the Northern train; her luggage had already been transferred; they would see her safely to the station.” She denied the charges, told who her relatives were (staunch Democrats), etc., in vain. They, with great politeness, put her into a carriage, escorted her to the station, presented her with a through ticket and sent her home, where she arrived safely, a blazing Abolitionist. [click to continue…]

Post image for Knowing how excitable this community is.–Operations in Charleston Harbor.

Knowing how excitable this community is.–Operations in Charleston Harbor.

December 6, 2010

War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies

.
.
.FORT MOULTRIE, S. C., December 6, 1860.
(Received A. G. O., December 10.)

Col. S. COOPER,
Adjutant-General U. S. Army:

“Our time is short enough for what we have to do. Should the ordnance stores I have called for or re-enforcements not arrive, in the event of our being attacked I fear that we shall not distinguish ourselves by holding out many days.”

COLONEL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on the 4th, of your communication of the 1st instant. In compliance therewith I went yesterday to the city of Charleston to confer with Colonel Huger, and I called with him upon the mayor of the city, and upon several other prominent citizens. All seemed determined, as far as their influence or power extends, to prevent an attack by a mob on our fort; but all are equally decided in the opinion that the forts must be theirs after secession. I shall nevertheless, knowing how excitable this community is, continue to keep on the qui vive, and, as far as in my power, steadily prepare my command to the uttermost to resist any attack that may be made. As the State will probably declare itself out of the Union in less than two weeks, it seems to me that it would be well to discontinue all engineering work on this fort except such as is necessary to increase its strength. I have not pretended to exercise any control over that department, and have found Captain Foster generally disposed to accede to the suggestions I have ventured to make; and the suggestions I now make are not made in any unkind spirit towards him, as he is compelled to carry out the instructions of his department, but such as I feel it my duty to make, as being held responsible for the defense of this work. One of the bastionettes is nearly completed, now awaiting the arrival of the pintle blocks, without which the embrasure cannot be made. The foundation has only been laid for the other. I certainly think that it is now too late to begin the construction of the second one, and that it would be better to substitute some other flanking arrangement, which can be finished in a few days.

Captain Foster is now sodding the exterior slope of the ditch, and putting muck on the glacis. It seems to me that that work had better be discontinued, and the planking, &c., removed, as it might be used by an investing or attacking force.

In other words, I would now apply our science to devising and placing in front of and on our walls every available means of embarrassing and preventing an enemy scaling our low walls. Anything that will obstruct his advance will be of great advantage to our weak garrison.

Our time is short enough for what we have to do. Should the ordnance stores I have called for or re-enforcements not arrive, in the event of our being attacked I fear that we shall not distinguish ourselves by holding out many days.

I have not yet commenced leveling off the sand hills which, within one hundred and sixty yards to the east, command this fort. Would my doing this be construed into initiating a collision? I would think you also to inform me under what circumstances I would be justified in setting fire to or destroying the houses which afford dangerous shelter to an enemy, and whether I would be justified in firing upon an armed body which may be seen approaching our works.

Captain Foster told me yesterday that he found that the men of his Fort Sumter force, who he thought were perfectly reliable, will not fight if an armed force approaches that work; and I fear that the same may be anticipated from the Castle Pinckney force.

I learn that in consequence of the decayed condition of the carriages at Fort Sumter, the guns have not been mounted there as I reported they were to have been. If that work is not to be garrisoned, the guns certainly ought not to be mounted, as they may be turned upon us.

The remark has, I hear, been repeatedly made in the city that if they need heavy guns, they call get them in forty-eight hours. This, I suppose, refers to their being able to bring them from Fort Pulaski, mouth of the Savannah River.

Colonel Huger designs, I think, leaving Charleston for Washington to-morrow night. He is more hopeful of a settlement of impending difficulties without bloodshed than I am. Hoping in God that he may be right in his opinion,

I am, colonel, respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,

Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

Post image for DNC Chairman Belmont: “The secession of South Carolina…must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact.”

DNC Chairman Belmont: “The secession of South Carolina…must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact.”

December 6, 2010

A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by August Belmont (DNC Chairman)

To Governor WM. SPRAGUE,

Providence, R.I.

New York, December 6, 1860

My Dear Sir,—The deep solicitude which the events in the South must call forth in the breast of every American citizen induces me to address you these lines.

The secession of South Carolina, which must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact, will inevitably very soon be followed by the secession of all the cotton States, and a consequent dissolution of the whole Confederacy, unless prompt and energetic measures are taken by the leading men of the North, in order to prevent this fearful calamity.

Even the most fervent adherents of the Union in the border States despair of the possibility of maintaining their States within the Union, unless the just grievances of the South are remedied by early and prompt action.

At this moment the patriotic men in the gulf States are using every effort, in order to bring about a joint convention. In this they are violently opposed by the disunionists, who are for immediate and separate action. The latter are undoubtedly in the ascendency, and unless some action is at once taken at the North which will strengthen the hands of our friends, no earthly power can save the Union.

If the programme of the co-operation men, composed of the Bell and Douglas leaders, succeeds, then South Carolina would for the present be the only State which actually secedes. The other gulf States would declare in this convention the conditions upon which they can remain in the Union, and if these cannot be obtained from the conservative spirit of the North, they will follow South Carolina on the 4th of March next.

These conditions are—

1st, The repeal of the unconstitutional personal-liberty bills by those States which have passed them.

2d, The acknowledgment of the equal rights of the South in the Territories.

My own impression is that if, by the spontaneous action of the legislatures of even a portion of the Northern States, in repealing these objectionable laws, a spirit of returning justice were evinced, the question of the Territories might be settled by a compromise, to be embodied in the Constitution, based upon the old Missouri line, to be extended to the Pacific.

You are in the proud and enviable position to lead this movement, which alone can save our beloved Republic from utter ruin and desolation.

The good old State of Rhode Island has been ever foremost in her loyalty and attachment to the Union, and she will, under your guidance, lead her sister States of New England to that path of fraternal equity toward the South, which can alone restore peace and harmony to our distracted country.

If your legislature would, at your recommendation, efface from the statute-book of the State the objectionable personal-liberty bill, her example would soon be followed by all the other States, and this spontaneous act of justice would, I have little doubt, induce Congress to amend the fugitive-slave bill, so as to take from it what is now looked upon by many people of the North as revolting to their feelings.

Prompt and efficient action is, however, indispensable; any delay is fatal in the present state of feeling at the South. My humble suggestion to you would be to convene your legislature at as early a day as practicable. You have it now in your power to earn for yourself the eternal gratitude of every American heart, and a name in the annals of your country more imperishable than that of the proudest conqueror.

I have to crave your pardon for the liberty which I have taken in addressing you these respectful suggestions. The vital importance of the case must plead as my excuse.

My Dear Sir,—The deep solicitude which the events in the South must call forth in the breast of every American citizen induces me to address you these lines.

The secession of South Carolina, which must be looked upon now as an accomplished fact, will inevitably very soon be followed by the secession of all the cotton States, and a consequent dissolution of the whole Confederacy, unless prompt and energetic measures are taken by the leading men of the North, in order to prevent this fearful calamity.

Even the most fervent adherents of the Union in the border States despair of the possibility of maintaining their States within the Union, unless the just grievances of the South are remedied by early and prompt action.

At this moment the patriotic men in the gulf States are using every effort, in order to bring about a joint convention. In this they are violently opposed by the disunionists, who are for immediate and separate action. The latter are undoubtedly in the ascendency, and unless some action is at once taken at the North which will strengthen the hands of our friends, no earthly power can save the Union.

If the programme of the co-operation men, composed of the Bell and Douglas leaders, succeeds, then South Carolina would for the present be the only State which actually secedes. The other gulf States would declare in this convention the conditions upon which they can remain in the Union, and if these cannot be obtained from the conservative spirit of the North, they will follow South Carolina on the 4th of March next.

These conditions are—

1st, The repeal of the unconstitutional personal-liberty bills by those States which have passed them.

Post image for A letter from Franklin Pierce: “Reason has surrendered its throne.”

A letter from Franklin Pierce: “Reason has surrendered its throne.”

December 6, 2010

Turning on the Light: A Dispassionate Survey of President Buchanan's Administration, From 1860 to its Close, by Horatio King

Concord, N. H., Dec. 6,1860.

My Deak Sir,—Your letter of November 30 I found here on my return from Hillsboro yesterday, and also several northern papers containing my letter to Secretary Thompson.

Since the action of the Vermont Legislature upon the report of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives, declaring the ‘personal liberty bill’ of that State to be clearly unconstitutional, I am in despair with regard to any amendment of errors at the North, so far as the question of slavery is concerned. Reason has surrendered its throne, all sense of patriotism, justice, and right seems to have departed forever from the black Republican portion of the country. If the legislature of this State were convened to-day, I do not believe that they would repeal their unconstitutional laws. When I say this you will understand that I think the Union has already reached its termination.

It seems to me that few men in this crisis suffer so keenly as I do. With regard to pecuniary loss, it is nothing. I do not take it into the account. It is not worth considering. We can all have bread, if we will work for it, but we shall never have again the glorious ensign of our country, which has been the object of our just admiration, the type of our power, and the shield of our protection the world over.

Your friend,

Franklin Pierce.