Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Wednesday, July 4, 2012

London, July 4, 1862

It is some time since I last wrote. I have hardly had the courage to do so in the face of what is now going on at home, and today we hear news of a battle near Charleston on the 16th which has done little to encourage me. Your last letter speaking of your illness and general position troubled our camp much. I had to pooh-pooh it more than I liked in order to stop the noise. Hard as your life is and threatens to become, I would like well to share it with you in order to escape in the consciousness of action a little of the struggle against fancied evils that we feel here.

The truth is we are suffering now under one of those periodical returns of anxiety and despondency that I have often written of. The last was succeeded by that brilliant series of successes which gave us New Orleans, Yorktown, Norfolk and Memphis, and perhaps this may end as well; but meanwhile we are haunted by stories about McClellan and by the strange want of life that seems justly or not to characterize our military and naval motions. You at Charleston seem to be an exception to the rule of stagnation which leaves us everywhere on the defensive even when attacking. A little dash does so much to raise one’s spirits, and now our poor men only sicken in marshes. I think of it all as little as I can.

Our own position here is now so uninteresting as to give us nothing to think of. After some pretty sharp fighting and curious experiences that I dare n’t trust to paper, we are again quiet and undisturbed, waiting the event of the struggle at Richmond. Things are not over-inspiriting with us, but I don’t know that they look much brighter with the English or French. The suffering among the operatives in Lancashire is very great and is increasing in a scale that makes people very uncomfortable though as yet they keep quiet about it. Cotton is going up to extraordinary prices; in a few days only it advanced three cents a pound and is still rising. Prices for cotton goods are merely nominal and vary according to the opinions of the holders, so that the whole trade is now pure speculation. Mills are closing in every direction. Add to this that the season has been bad and a short crop is now considered a certainty, and you can comprehend how anxious people must be to know how they are to weather next winter. No doubt this state of things will soon produce fresh agitation for mediation or intervention before long if no progress is made by our armies, but as yet we enjoy quiet….

If it were not for home matters it would be all well enough, but they have a good deal of influence here, which is felt rather than seen. We have entertained a good deal — evening receptions once a week for Americans, and several state dinners for English. . . .

London, July 4, 1862

This detestable war is not of our own choosing, and out of it must grow consequences important to the welfare of coming generations, not likely to issue from a continuance of peace. All this is true, and yet here in this lonely position of prominence among a people selfish, jealous, and at heart hostile, it needs a good deal of fortitude to conjoin private solicitude with the unavoidable responsibilities of a critical public station. I had hoped that the progress of General McClellan would have spared us much of this trouble. But it is plain that he has much of the Fabian policy in his composition which threatens to draw the war into greater length. Of course we must be content to take a great deal on trust. Thus far the results have been all that we had a reasonable right to expect. Let us hope that the delay is not without its great purposes. My belief is unshaken that the end of this conflict is to topple down the edifice of slavery. Perhaps we are not yet ready to come up to that work, and the madness of the resistance is the instrument in the hands of Divine Providence to drive us to it. It may be so. I must hold my soul in patience, and pray for courage and resignation.

This is the 4th of July. Eighty-six years ago our ancestors staked themselves in a contest of a far more dangerous and desperate character. The only fault they committed was in omitting to make it more general and complete. Had they then consented to follow Thomas Jefferson to the full extent of his first draught of the Declaration, they would have added little to the seven years severity of their struggle and would have entirely saved the present trials from their children. I trust we shall not fall into any similar mistake, and if we are tempted to do so, I trust the follies of our enemy will avert from us the consequences of our weakness. This is the consideration which makes me most tolerant of the continuance of the war. I am not a friend of the violent policy of the ultras who seem to me to have no guide but their own theories. This great movement must be left in a degree to develope itself, and human power must be applied solely to shape the consequences so far as possible to the best uses. . . .

JULY 4TH.—Lee does not follow up his blows on the whipped enemy, and some sage critics censure him for it. But he knows that the fatal blow has been dealt this “grand army” of the North. The serpent has been killed, though its tail still exhibits some spasmodic motions. It will die, so far as the Peninsula is concerned, after sunset, or when it thunders.
The commanding general neither sleeps nor slumbers. Already the process of reorganizing Jackson’s corps has been commenced for a blow at or near the enemy’s capital. Let Lincoln beware the hour of retribution.
The enemy’s losses in the seven days’ battles around Richmond, in killed, wounded, sick, and desertions, are estimated at 50,000 men, and their losses in cannon, stores, etc., at some $50,000,000. Their own papers say the work is to be begun anew, and subjugation is put off six months, which is equivalent to a loss of $500,000,000 inflicted by Lee’s victory.
By their emancipation and confiscation measures, the Yankees have made this a war of extermination, and added new zeal and resolution to our brave defenders. All hope of a reconstruction of the Union is relinquished by the few, comparatively, in the South, who still clung to the delusion. It is well. If the enemy had pursued a different course we should never have had the same unanimity. If they had made war only on men in arms, and spared private property, according to the usages of civilized nations, there would, at least, have been a neutral party in the South, and never the same energy and determination to contest the last inch of soil with the cruel invader. Now they will find that 3,000,000 of troops cannot subjugate us, and if subjugated, that a standing army of half a million would be required to keep us in subjection.

July 4th.

Here I am, and still alive, having wakened but once in the night, and that only in consequence of Louis and Morgan crying; nothing more alarming than that. I ought to feel foolish; but I do not. I am glad I was prepared, even though there was no occasion for it.

While I was taking my early bath, Lilly came to the bath-house and told me through the weatherboarding of another battle. Stonewall Jackson has surrounded McClellan completely, and victory is again ours. This is said to be the sixth battle he has fought in twenty days, and they say he has won them all. And the Seventh Regiment distinguished itself, and was presented with four cannon on the battlefield in acknowledgment of its gallant conduct! Gibbes belongs to the “ragged howling regiment that rushed on the field yelling like unchained devils and spread a panic through the army,” as the Northern papers said, describing the battle of Manassas. Oh, how I hope he has escaped!

And they say “Palmerston has urged the recognition of the Confederacy, and an armed intervention on our side.” Would it not be glorious? Oh, for peace, blessed peace, and our brothers once more! Palmerston is said to have painted Butler as the vilest oppressor, and having added he was ashamed to acknowledge him of Anglo-Saxon origin. Perhaps knowing the opinion entertained of him by foreign nations, caused Butler to turn such a somersault. For a few days before his arrival here, we saw a leading article in the leading Union paper of New Orleans, threatening us with the arming of the slaves for our extermination if England interfered, in the same language almost as Butler used when here; three days ago the same paper ridiculed the idea, and said such a brutal, inhuman thing was never for a moment thought of, it was too absurd. And so the world goes! We all turn somersaults occasionally.

And yet, I would rather we would achieve our independence alone, if possible. It would be so much more glorious. And then I would hate to see England conquer the North, even if for our sake; my love for the old Union is still too great to be willing to see it so humiliated. If England would just make Lincoln come to his senses, and put an end to all this confiscation which is sweeping over everything, make him agree to let us alone and behave himself, that will be quite enough. But what a task! If it were put to the vote to-morrow to return free and unmolested to the Union, or stay out, I am sure Union would have the majority; but this way, to think we are to be sent to Fort Jackson and all the other prisons for expressing our ideas, however harmless, to have our houses burned over our heads, and all the prominent men hanged, who would be eager for it? — unless, indeed, it was to escape even the greater horrors of a war of extermination.

4th.—The President, I see, has made another call for three hundred thousand men. Before this war is over, we shall have to resort to drafting. I regret that it was not done in the first place. Then the vast majority of the able bodied men willing to go, would have shamed down the unwilling ones from complaining. As it is, now that most of the willing ones are in the field, I fear that a draft will cause trouble. I should much have preferred, as it is put off to this time, a conscript act, requiring all able-bodied men to organize and hold themselves ready to act when called on. This would have given us an irresistable army, and all would have been treated alike.

Our regiment, which has heretofore borne more than any other, suffered terribly in the late retreat. I am vain enough to attribute this to the change of sanitary measures adopted during my month’s absence. General ——’s pride could never brook the small show of my regiment on his “dress parades.” My plan was, that when a man began to sicken I took him at once from all duty, and had him nursed and cared for till well. Hence, in time of quiet, I always had a large number excused, but when we came to action, or to a hard march, there were few regiments in the army which could compare with us, either in numbers or endurance. During my absence of a month, this thing was reversed. Men were kept on show as long as their legs would bear them up, the General’s vanity was gratified, but when we came to a forced march, we were found to be in most miserable, plight.

Friday, 4th—The Eleventh Iowa came in from picket. The weather is very hot. This is my first Fourth of July in the army. Things appear so lonesome. The battery boys of our brigade took their battery of six guns out a short distance from camp and fired a salute to celebrate the day.

We arrived at Vicksburg on the 25th, where we found the Brooklyn and Richmond, the gunboats, and mortar fleet; and, soon after arriving, an officer came on board from Commodore Davis’s fleet, and communicated with Commodore Farragut. Davis, in our absence, had moved down the river, and now occupied a position just above Vicksburg.

Preparations were immediately made for an attack, by putting the mortars in position but they did not open until the evening of the 26th. On the following day they bombarded slowly the whole day. In the evening a council of Commanders determined to attack the place on the following morning. During the night the mortars were moved up to easy range, and on the 28th, before daylight, the mortars opened in earnest. The whole fleet now moved up to the attack. Our ships were before the city, while the shells from the mortars were being hurled right over our heads, and, as battery after battery was unmasked from every conceivable position, the ridge of the bluff was one sheet of fire. The big ships sent in their broadsides, the mortars scores of shell, and all combined to make up a grand display and terrible conflict. After nearly two hours of hard fighting, our ships had nearly all passed the city, out of range, and the firing ceased.

On looking around I found the Hartford riddled from stem to stern; first a hole through her bow, then two through the side, one below water, then another through the bulwarks, another through the stern and cabin, and another through the smoke-pipe, &c., &c., the main topsail-yard cut in twain, and the rigging terribly cut fore and aft.

Our casualties in killed and wounded were light, one killed, and a dozen slightly wounded, including the Flag Officer and Capt. Broome of the marines—while the casualties of the fleet were less than a dozen in killed. The afternoon was devoted to burying the dead and communicating with the ram fleet belonging .to Commodore Davis’s division. From our anchorage we’ could see across the point of land to General Williams’s camp and the transports below, and we immediately established communication with them. Here we spent the Fourth of July, which was celebrated by the booming of cannon from both fleets, and a volley of shells to the rebels. I visited the iron-clad gunboat Benton, which to me was quite a curiosity.

Flat Top, July 4, 1862. Friday. — A fine day. No demonstrations in camp except a National salute and a little drunkenness. Quietness of the Sabbath reigned.

The Commercial of the first puts a different face on the news of McClellan’s recent movements near Richmond. The change of position seems to have been well planned — a wise change — and it is not certain that any disaster befell us during its execution. There was fierce fighting and heavy loss, but it is quite possible that the enemy suffered more than we did.

My orderly, Gray, good old veteran Irish soldier, “drunk and disorderly” yesterday. All right; he shall be released today.

4th. Great day. So many drunk. Officers gave the freest license to the men. Both caroused. I was most disgusted. Bill and L. fought.

Written from the Sea islands of South Carolina.

[Diary] July 4.

Up at 4 A.M. We three girls raised our flag. Nelly had had the staff planted the day before. General Saxton and staff breakfasted here. Then we rode to the church — General Saxton in the carriage with us three ladies.

At the Episcopal church Nelly played the organ — “John Brown” and “America.” Then we took our places on the platform under the pines and oaks. First sat General Saxton and the ladies, then the staff and superintendents. A grand, noble flag, supplied by General Saxton, was stretched over the road in full view. The people, marshalled by Mr. Wells on one side, Mr. Gannett on the other, came in procession from below and above the church carrying branches in their hands and singing “Roll, Jordan, Roll.” They formed under the flag and before the platform into a dense mass and sang many of their own songs. At General Saxton’s request, Nelly’s school-children then sang Whittier’s song —

“Now praise and tank de Lord, he come
To set de people free;
Ole massa tink it day ob doom,
But we ob jubilee.”

He made a little speech to the people—manly, straightforward, and encouraging. Mr. Winsor addressed the school-children, and Mr. Philbrick dilated upon work, work, and cotton, cotton. Then there was an unlimited supply of molasses and water, gingered, — with herrings and hard-tack provided by the bounty of Philadelphia, and spread on board tables in the woods. We left them happy as larks, and all the white folks adjourned to the Oaks[1] for a cold lunch — that is, all but General Saxton and staff, who rode to Beaufort. I think the lunch was only tolerably successful, as the melons were green, and the corn-starch soured by the intense heat. General dispersion — the lunch being over. Mr. Sumner, Mr. Brinkerhoff, who made the prayer in the morning, before the addresses, stayed and sang with Nelly on the porch. I came up here to write and Ellen is here with me. She decked the parlors beautifully.


[1] The Government headquarters on St. Helena Island, where Miss Towne was living.