Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Friday, June 3, 2011

Post image for William Howard Russell’s Diary: Ride through the maize-fields.—Sugar plantation; negroes at work.— Use of the lash.—Feeling towards France.—Silence of the country.— Negroes and dogs.

June 3rd. At five o’clock this morning, having been awakened an hour earlier by a wonderful chorus of riotous mocking-birds, my old negro attendant brought in my bath of Mississippi water, which, Nile like, casts down a strong deposit, and becomes as clear, if not so sweet, after standing. “Le seigneur vous attend;” and already I saw, outside my window, the Governor mounted on a stout cob, and a nice chestnut horse waiting, led by a slave. Early as it was, the sun felt excessively hot, and I envied the Governor his slouched hat as we rode through the fields, crisp with dew. In a few minutes our horses were traversing narrow alleys between the tall fields of maize, which rose far above our heads. This corn, as it is called, is the principal food of the negroes; and every planter lays down a sufficient quantity to afford him, on an average, a supply all the year round. Outside this spread vast fields, hedgeless, wall-less, and unfenced, where the green cane was just learning to wave its long shoots in the wind—a lake of bright green sugar-sprouts, along the margin of which, in the distance, rose an unbroken boundary of forest, two miles in depth, up to the swampy morass, all to be cleared and turned into arable land in process of time. From the river front to this forest, the fields of rich loam, unfathomable, and yielding from one to one and a half hogsheads of sugar per acre under cultivation, extend for a mile and a half in depth. In the midst of this expanse white dots were visible like Sowars seen on the early march, in Indian fields, many a time and oft. Those are the gangs of hands at work—we will see what they are at presently. This little reminiscence of Indian life was further heightened by the negroes who ran beside us to whisk flies from the horses, and to open the gates in the plantation boundary. When the Indian corn is not good, peas are sowed, alternately, between the stalks, and are considered to be of much benefit; and when the cane is bad, corn is sowed with it, for the same object. Before we came up to the gangs we passed a cart on the road containing a large cask, a bucket full of molasses, a pail of hominy, or boiled Indian corn, and a quantity of tin pannikins. The cask contained water for the negroes, and the other vessels held the materials for their breakfast; in addition to which, they generally have each a dried fish. The food was ample, and looked wholesome; such as any laboring man would be well content with. Passing along through maize on one side, and cane at another, we arrived at last at a patch of ground where thirty-six men and women were hoeing.

Three gangs of negroes were at work: one gang of men, with twenty mules and ploughs, was engaged in running through the furrows between the canes, cutting up the weeds and clearing away the grass, which is the enemy of the growing shoot. The mules are of a fine, large, good-tempered kind, and understand their work almost as well as the drivers, who are usually the more intelligent hands on the plantation. The overseer, a sharp-looking creole, on a lanky pony, whip in hand, superintended their labors, and, after a salutation to the Governor, to whom he made some remarks on the condition of the crops, rode off to another part of the farm. With the exception of crying to their mules, the negroes kept silence at their work.

Another gang consisted of forty men, who were hoeing out the grass in Indian corn. The third gang, of thirty-six women, were engaged in hoeing out cane. Their clothing seemed heavy for the climate; their shoes, ponderous and ill-made, had worn away the feet of their thick stockings, which hung in fringes over the upper leathers. Coarse straw hats and bright cotton handkerchiefs protected their heads from the sun. The silence which I have already alluded to, prevailed, among these gangs also—not a sound could be heard but the blows of the hoe on the heavy clods. In the rear of each gang stood a black overseer, with a heavythonged whip over his shoulder. If “Alcíbíade” or “Pompée” were called out, he came with outstretched hand to ask “How do you do,” and then returned to his labor; but the ladies were coy, and scarcely looked up from under their flapping chapeaux de paille at their visitors.

Those who are mothers leave their children in the charge of certain old women, unfit for anything else, and “suckers,” as they are called, are permitted to go home, at appointed periods in the day, to give the infants the breast. The overseers have power to give ten lashes; but heavier punishment ought to be reported to the Governor; however, it is not likely a good overseer would be checked, in any way, by his master. The anxieties attending the cultivation of sugar are great, and so much depends upon the judicious employment of labor, it is scarcely possible to exaggerate the importance of experience in directing it, and of power to insist on its application. When the frost comes, the cane is rendered worthless— one touch destroys the sugar. But if frost is the enemy of the white planter, the sun is scarcely the friend of the black man. The sun condemns him to slavery, because it is the heat which is the barrier to the white man’s labor. The Governor told me that, in August, when the crops are close, thick set, and high, and the vertical sun beats down on the laborers, nothing but a black skin and head covered with wool can enable a man to walk out in the open and live.

We returned to the house in time for breakfast, for which our early cup of coffee and biscuit and the ride had been good preparation. Here was old France again. One might imagine a lord of the seventeenth century in his hall, but for the black faces of the servitors and the strange dishes of tropical origin. There was the old French abundance, the numerous dishes and efflorescence of napkins, and the long-necked bottles of Bordeaux, with a steady current of pleasant small talk I saw some numbers of a paper called La Misachibée, which was the primitive Indian name of the grand river, not improved by the addition of sibilant Anglo-Saxon syllables.

The Americans, not unmindful of the aid to which, at the end of the War of Independence, their efforts were merely auxiliary, delight, even in the North, to exalt France above her ancient rival; but, as if to show the innate dissimilarity of the two races, the French creoles exhibit towards the New Englanders and the North an animosity, mingled with contempt, which argues badly for a future amalgamation or reunion. As the South Carolinians declare, they would rather return to their allegiance under the English monarchy, so the Louisianans, although they have no sentiment in common with the people of republican and imperial France, assert they would far sooner seek a connection with the old country than submit to the yoke of the Yankees.

After breakfast, the Governor drove out by the ever-silent levee for some miles, passing estate after estate, where grove nodded to grove, each alley saw its brother. One could form no idea, from the small limited frontage of these plantations, that the proprietors were men of many thousands a year, because the estates extend on an average for three or four miles back to the forest. The absence of human beings on the road was a feature which impressed one more and more. But for the tall chimneys of the factories and the sugar-houses, one might believe that these villas had been erected by some pleasure-loving people who had all fled from the river banks for fear of pestilence. The gangs of negroes at work were hidden in the deep corn, and their quarters were silent and deserted. We met but one planter, in his gig, until we arrived at the estate of Monsieur Potier, the Governor’s brother-in-law. The proprietor was at home, and received us very kindly, though suffering from the effects of a recent domestic calamity. He is a grave, earnest man, with a face like Jerome Bonaparte, and a most devout Catholic; and any man more unfit to live in any sort of community with New England Puritans one cannot well conceive; for equal intensity of purpose and sincerity of conviction on their part could only lead them to mortal strife. His house was like a French chateau erected under tropical influences, and he led us through a handsome garden laid out with hothouses, conservatories, orange-trees, and date-palms, and ponds full of the magnificent Victoria Regia in flower. We visited his refining factories and mills, but the heat from the boilers, which seemed too much even for the all-but-naked negroes who were at work, did not tempt us to make a very long sojourn inside. The ebony faces and polished black backs of the slaves were streaming with perspiration as they toiled over boilers, vat, and centrifugal driers. The good refiner was not gaining much money at present, for sugar has been rapidly falling in New Orleans, and the 300,000 barrels produced annually in the South will fall short in the yield of profits, which on an average may be taken at £11 a hogshead, without counting the molasses for the planter. With a most perfect faith in States Rights, he seemed to combine either indifference or ignorance in respect to the power and determination of the North to resist secession to the last. All the planters hereabouts have sown an unusual quantity of Indian corn, to have food for the negroes if the war lasts, without any distress from inland or sea blockade. The absurdity of supposing that a blockade can injure them in the way of supply is a favorite theme to descant upon. They may find out, however, that it is no contemptible means of warfare.

At night, there are regular patrols and watchmen, who look after the levee and the negroes. A number of dogs are also loosed, but I am assured that the creatures do not tear the negroes; they are taught “merely” to catch and mumble them, to treat them as a well-broken retriever uses a wounded wild duck.

MONDAY, JUNE 3, 1861.

Hot day. M. 88 — considerable excitement in the City. People seem to feel and think that affairs on the other side of the River as well as at other points are approaching a crisis. Troops are coming in and moveing over the river every day. We can see the tents of the encampments on the other side with the naked eye. Tonight, bright flashing signals were made from there about 10 & 11 o’clock, and answered from the City. I think that the rebels are approaching our lines in force. We did not go to bed till late, watching the lights and listening.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

Post image for “Imagine a line of pot-bellied, round-shouldered respectabilities of fifty or thereabouts standing in two rows and trying to dance, and you have a fair idea of this justly celebrated corps.”–Adams Family Letters, Charles Francis Adams, Jr., To His Mother .

Boston, June 3, 1861

The war affords them [of Quincy] some diversion for their thoughts and the clash of arms is heard even among the Quincy exempts, who hail John Captain. I drilled them the other evening and a funnier sight I don’t want to see. Imagine a line of pot-bellied, round-shouldered respectabilities of fifty or thereabouts standing in two rows and trying to dance, and you have a fair idea of this justly celebrated corps. I was infinitely delighted when on glancing down the ranks, as I came the heavy military on them. I saw Mr. Robertson and Captain Crane side by side in the front rank, with Mr. Gill and poor old Flint vainly struggling to cover them in the rear. That was too much and I almost smiled right out loud. The only man I saw who could by any possibility be converted into a soldier was, unfortunately, our worthy pastor, Mr. Wells, who however in case of emergency would probably have other duties to perform. There he was, however, with his musket in his hand and it was so refreshing to see a man who seemed able to bend his back that I asked John to make him a sergeant and I believe he promised that he would. By the way, I really do believe we have drawn quite a prize in Wells. He seems to have pleased every one and you don’t know how strange it seems to have some one here who really takes an interest in and means to manage the Parish. I had a short talk with him the other evening and was much pleased. He evidently understands the people here and is going to make his mark, and I have little doubt that if he lives, you ‘ll find the Parish a very different thing when you come home from what it was when you went away. . . .

Post image for A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by DNC Chairman August Belmont

To The Right Hon. Lord DUNFERMLINE,

House of Lords, London.

New York, June 3, 1861

My Dear Lord Dunfermline,—The friendly relations which have existed during several years between us, and which I shall always cherish among the bright recollections of my sojourn at the Hague, induce me to address you this letter, for which I crave your kind and favorable consideration.

The unfortunate position into which a few reckless and selfish politicians, aided by the weakness of our late national administration, have thrown this country, is at this moment directing the serious attention of the British government and people toward us. Knowing your warm and active sympathy, and that of your noble and influential family, for the cause of constitutional liberty, I am sure that you are among those who watch with intense interest the phases of the dark drama which is now enacting on this continent, between the United States, struggling for their national existence, and a rebellious faction, attempting to overthrow our free institutions, in order to plant slavery on the whole American continent.

From the tenor of the English press, and the debates in Parliament, I am inclined to believe that there exists a serious misapprehension in the minds of your government and people in regard to the nature of the Southern rebellion, and the chances of its success.

If you allow me, I will give you my views on the present position of affairs here, in as short a space as the form of a letter, and my desire not to bore you with a lengthy epistle, will permit. I may claim that these views, however erroneous and imperfect they may prove, have at least the merit of fairness and impartiality. My politics have always been opposed to the party now in power, the advent of which has been used by the leaders of the Southern conspiracy as a watchword for an overthrow of our government. I was, and am, opposed to an useless agitation of the slavery question, and any infringement of the Constitutional rights of the South, under a fair and liberal construction, and am equally hostile to the anti-free-trade proclivities of the present administration.

You are doubtless aware that the so-called Republican (anti-slavery) party which is now in power, was first able to claim the position of a national party in 1854, in consequence of the daily increasing aggressions and demands of the pro-slavery oligarchy, which had gained the control of the executive and legislature of the Federal government. The dastardly assault upon Senator Sumner, from Massachusetts, provoked as it undoubtedly was by the violent language of that senator, and the fraud and violence with which the pro-slavery party attempted to force a slavery constitution upon the new State of Kansas, drove hundreds of thousands throughout the North into the ranks of the new party.

In 1856 that party, for the first time, put a candidate for the Presidency in nomination, upon the avowed doctrine of preventing the extension of slavery to our western Territories. Mr. Fremont was then defeated by Mr. Buchanan, who enjoyed the confidence of a very large majority of the conservative and influential portion of the country, and in whose sagacity, experience, and familiarity with public affairs, everybody hoped for a strong government, and for the suppression of the seditious cry of disunion which had been raised by the political leaders of the South ever since the formation of the Republican party.

In these expectations the country was sadly disappointed. Mr. Buchanan threw himself from the very outset into the arms of the very men who are now the rebel leaders of the South. His cabinet, chosen under such influences, sympathized, with one single exception, and was in secret league with the conspirators, giving them during the last four years ample time, means, and influence, in order to prepare their treasonable machinations.

The Secretary of War, convicted since his retirement of actual treason and fraud, had placed all the Federal forts in the South, and an immense quantity of arms, within their reach, so that when the time had come for them to throw down the mask they were enabled to give to their movement an appearance of strength and probability of success, which evidently has deceived public opinion in England.

Upon the first outbreak of secession, and when it was confined to the cotton States, there was also a large party at the North which was in favor of compromise measures, in order to bring the seceding States back to their allegiance. When these failed against the uncompromising attitude of the extremists South and North, they even went so far as to advocate a peaceable separation of the cotton States, convinced that the latter, when once out of the Union, would soon discover how fearfully they had been deceived by their selfish and designing leaders, and that they would be but too glad after a year or so to return into the confederacy.

The attack against Fort Sumter, the treachery of Virginia and North Carolina, and the conduct of Jeff. Davis, have, however, since then, produced a revolution in the public mind of the North, of the strength, intensity, and unanimity of which it would be impossible for me to convey to you even the faintest idea.

The people of the North see now revealed to them, in all their horrid nakedness, the treasonable schemes of the slavery oligarchy, who, while pretending to battle for their threatened Constitutional rights, have dragged the country to this fearful condition, for no other purpose but to insure to themselves the continuance of that power which they have wielded for the last forty years, and to fasten slavery, as a political element, upon this country. The North feels that to admit the right of secession claimed by the revolted States, would be forever to renounce our existence as a nation, and that a peaceful separation of fifteen slave States on one side, and seventeen free States on the other, divided only by an imaginary geographical line, must soon be followed by war and strife, however much treaties and diplomacy might attempt to prevent it. Besides, can it be expected that the powerful North and Northwest, with a hardy and industrious population of twenty-one millions of freemen, would quietly relinquish the mouth of the Mississippi, and all the seaports, from the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, into the possession of a foreign nation, ruled by unscrupulous and reckless politicians, who, for the sake of their odious domestic institution, and upon the strength of their cotton monopoly, would disregard and violate treaty-stipulations, whenever it would suit their convenience.

With a due appreciation of these considerations, it cannot be doubted that no sacrifice will be too great for the people of the North in support of their government, and the maintenance of the integrity of their country. We are all united, while we know that in Virginia, Tennessee, and Alabama, a very considerable portion of the inhabitants are openly in favor of the Union, and we have good reason to suppose that a very numerous minority in the other cotton States, with the exception, perhaps, of South Carolina, is opposed to secession.

The contest must end in the victory of the government, but I fear that the position of neutrality taken by your government, which raises the rebels to the dignity of belligerents, will give them a moral support only calculated to prolong the war and its horrors.

We had hoped for the active sympathy and support of the British government and people, in our struggle against the spread of the institution of slavery, and against a rebellion, which, by the confession and boast of its leaders, is based upon that institution as its principal element of power.

We could not, of course, expect a direct interference of your government in our intestine quarrel, but we thought that, as they had heretofore done in the case of Greece, Italy, and Spain, the British people would be allowed to follow their noble instincts for freedom and constitutional liberty, and that the anti-slavery cause, which had always been so warmly advocated in England, would now find means, money, and men, in its dark hour of trial, to assist us against the most unjustifiable and criminal rebellion which has ever disgraced the annals of history.

These hopes have been most sadly disappointed by the proclamation of the Queen, declaring strict neutrality between the government of the United States and a portion of its citizens in rebellion against that government. It has, however, in no way lessened the determination of the United North to fight for the restoration of the integrity of their government to the last man. With the preponderance of men and resources which we possess over the South, the final result can only be a question of time; but if the British government desires, as it undoubtedly must, to see the length and horrors of this fratricidal war diminished, its true policy must be to avoid any thing which in the remotest way can give aid and comfort to the seceded States.

Our government has given, by one of the first acts of the new administration, its consent to the first article of the declaration of the Paris Conference on the right of neutrals, abolishing privateers. With its consent, all the maritime powers of the world have now united in declaring privateering piracy, and I hope sincerely that this progress in civilization and humanity will be secured by the acceptance of the consent of my government, notwithstanding that we were somewhat slow in making up our mind.

I trust, also, that the restrictions imposed by the Queen’s proclamation, by which British merchant-vessels are prohibited from carrying arms and munitions of war to either of the belligerents, may be repealed.

The Southern ports being blockaded by our navy, this restriction results of course to the direct advantage of the rebels, and prevents, moreover, your shipowners and manufacturers from realizing a legitimate profit by the manufacturing and carrying of English arms to our ports.

During the Crimean war, notwithstanding the strict neutrality of our government, our merchant-ships and steamers were chartered by the English and French authorities, for the carrying of troops and arms to the Crimea, and large numbers of arms were manufactured here, and sent in American vessels to England.

Our government did not interfere with its ship-owners and manufacturers in the lawful pursuit of their trade, and as the Russian ports were then in the same position as our Southern ports are at present, the neutral course of the United States resulted to the advantage of the allies.

I hope, my dear Lord Dunfermline, that you will excuse this very lengthy epistle, and I trust that your powerful influence will be exerted in favor of the cause of right, justice, and freedom. Your position in the House of Lords, and your intimate relations with Lord John Russell, give a peculiar weight to any steps you may feel induced to take in this important question.

The cordial good feeling of our people for Great Britain, and their deepfelt love and respect for the Queen, will be very much strengthened by an evidence of sympathy on the part of the British nation and government for our cause, which is that of justice and humanity.

If you have sufficient leisure left to let me hear from you, I shall be much gratified, and if I can learn from you that I have not in vain advocated the cause of my country, it will be a source of pride and happiness to me.

Post image for “And troops are beginning to arrive in considerable numbers.”—John Beauchamp Jones’ diary.

JUNE 3D.—The Secretary arrived to-day, sick; and was accompanied by Major Tyler, himself unwell. And troops are beginning to arrive in considerable numbers. The precincts of the city will soon be a series of encampments. The regiments are drilled here, and these mostly forwarded to Manassas, where a battle must soon occur, if the enemy, now in overwhelming numbers, should advance. The Northern papers say the Yankee army will celebrate the 4th of July in Richmond. Nous verrons. But no doubt hostilities have commenced. We have accounts of frightful massacres in Missouri, by German mercenaries. Hampton has been occupied by the enemy, a detachment having been sent from Fortress Monroe for that purpose. They also hold Newport News on the Peninsula. There are rumors of a fight at Philippi. One Col. Potterfield was surprised. If this be so, there is no excuse for him. I think the President will make short work of incompetent commanders. Now a blunder is worse than a crime.

Post image for A Diary of American Events – June 3, 1861

—Quartermaster T. Bailey Myers arrived at New York from Fortress Monroe, bringing from that quarter a secession flag as a present to the Union Defence Committee. The flag was captured at Hampton village, near the fort, and when taken was flying from its staff on the roof of John Tyler’s country residence. Lieutenant Duryea, the colonel’s son, let down the traitorous emblem, and ran up the Stars and Stripes, which are now flying. The scouting detachment brought in the secession colors to head-quarters, and they were forwarded by Major-General Butler. The flag is a dirty looking affair of red, white, and blue flannel, with eight stars. It is roughly made, the sewing having been done by half-taught fingers. —N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, June 4.

—Gen. Beauregard arrived at Manassas Junction, and assumed command of the rebel forces there.—N. Y. Times, June 6.

—At night twelve volunteers from Camp Lincoln, near Leavenworth, Kansas, headed by Sergeant Decurin, of the Elwood Guards, armed with Minié rifles and revolvers, marched to Iatan, Mo., fourteen miles above Leavenworth city, and crossed in skiffs to capture a secession flag. When asked their purpose, Decurin demanded the flag by the authority of the United States. The flag was hauled down, and the party started on their return, when they were fired at by the secessionists, and the fire was returned. Three of the volunteers were wounded, one severely.—N. Y. World, June 6.

—At 1 A. M., the Union force from Grafton, approached Philippi, a little town on the Monongahela, 20 miles south of Grafton, occupied by 1,500 rebels. Scouts went forward to reconnoitre, a favorable report was received, and the troops advanced about 5 A. M., and were fired at by the sentinels on duty, who appeared to be the only men on the alert. The camp, however, was immediately aroused, and before it was reached by our troops three companies of riflemen advanced to meet them, and delivered a volley as CoL Kelly’s regiment turned the corner of a street. They then turned and retreated towards the main body. At this fire several of our men were slightly wounded, and Col. Kelly received a ball in the side. The regiment pressed on, and was quickly followed by the Indiana and Ohio regiments. When the column got within range of the main body of the enemy, the latter delivered a straggling fire, and then at once broke and fled. It was a complete rout. The Union troops delivered a volley with good effect at the enemy, and then charged upon them at full run. The enemy took the direction of Leedsville, ten miles further south. Col. Crittenden ordered the Ohio regiment to stay and guard the town, and the other two regiments continued the pursuit They returned after daylight, with several prisoners. The secessionists had no idea of being attacked. They had no intrenchments, and had only set the ordinary guard. One or two of the Federal troops were killed. The loss of the secessionists, so far as known, is sixteen killed, a large number wounded, and ten prisoners. Some twenty-five of Col. Kelly’s men were wounded, but none dangerously. The amount of ammunition captured was not large, but there was a lot of camp kettles and provisions, and miscellaneous camp equipage, that fell into the hands of the federal troops; also seventeen horses. Col. Kelly’s wound was not mortal.—(Doc. 228.)

—Stephen A. Douglas, Senator of the United States from Illinois, died at Chicago at ten minutes past nine o’clock in the morning. —Buffalo Courier, June 4.

—The Fourteenth Regiment, Colonel Johnson, and the Fifteenth, Colonel Oakford, of Pennsylvania Volunteers, arrived at General Patterson’s camp at Chambersburg from Lancaster.—National Intelligencer, June 6.

—The British Government decided not to allow the entry of privateers into any of their ports. This was announced by Lord John Russell in Parliament., saying that Government had determined to prohibit privateers from bringing prizes into any British port. It was also stated that France intended adhering to the law which prohibits privateers remaining in port over twenty-four hours.—(Doc. 229.)

—The border State Convention met at Frankfort, Kentucky.—N. Y. Tribune, May 27.

—Major-General Patterson, from headquarters at Chambersburg, Pa., issued a proclamation announcing to the soldiers that “they would soon meet the insurgents.”—(Doc. 230.)

—The First Regiment Scott Life Guard and the Third Regiment N. Y. S. V., left New York city for Fortress Monroe.—(Doc. 231.)