July 18.—Great excitement and terror existed among the citizens of Cincinnati, in consequence of the vicinity of the force of rebel guerrillas under John Morgan. Colonel Burbank, Thirteenth United States infantry, assumed military command of the city, and issued orders directing all officers in the volunteer service to report to him. The Governor of the State also issued an order calling for volunteers to serve for thirty days. The excitement of Cincinnati pervaded the adjoining towns in Kentucky.
—At Kingston, North-Carolina, two negroes were executed, by order of Colonel Sol Williams, C.S.A., having been found guilty of drumming up recruits for Burnside’s army.—Richmond Examiner, July 24.
—Col. Salomon, of the Ninth Wisconsin volunteers, at his encampment on Grand River, Ark., arrested Col. Weer, commander of the Indian expedition, and assumed command.
—A desperate fight took place near Memphis, Mo., between a detachment of Union troops, numbering about four hundred, under the command of Major John Y. Clopper, and a force of rebel guerrillas six hundred strong, resulting in a complete rout of the rebels, who left a large number of their dead and wounded.—(Doc. 153.)
—The Richmond (Va.) Despatch of this date, speaking of the proposition of employing negroes on the Union fortifications, said: “It appears from statements in the Northern newspapers that McClellan proposes to employ negroes to perform the hard labor on his fortifications, with a view to save his troops from the perils of sunstroke. This is the sort of freedom the deluded slaves enjoy when they get into the clutches of the abolitionists. They are worked to death, in order to save the lives of a proportionate number of miserable Yankees, not one half of whom can lay as much claim to respectability as the blackest cornfield negro in Virginia. We hope our authorities, in negotiating for an exchange of prisoners, will make the invaders account for at least a portion of the ‘contrabands’ they have stolen, though in making up their relative value it should appear that one nigger was equal to two Yankees.”
—The town of Newburg, Ind., was this day entered by a band of rebel guerrillas, under Capt. Johnson, and robbed of a large amount of property.—Evansville Journal, July 21.
—Large and enthusiastic meetings were held in Memphis, Tenn., Milwaukee, Wis., Danbury, Ct, and Troy, N. Y., for the purpose of promoting enlistments into the army, under the call of President Lincoln.
—In the British House of Commons a debate took place on the following motion submitted by Mr. Lindsay:
“That, in the opinion of this House, the States which have seceded from the Union of the republic of the United States have so long maintained themselves under a separate and established government, and have given such proof of their determination and ability to support their independence, that the propriety of offering mediation with the view of terminating hostilities between the contending parties, is worthy of the serious and immediate attention of her Majesty’s government”
In making this motion Mr. Lindsay said he felt assured that an expression of opinion on the part of the House on the subject would have an effect contrary to that which some persons seemed to apprehend. He thought the confederate States had shown their determination and ability to support their independence. There could be no difference of opinion on that point: but there might be a difference of opinion as to the propriety of British mediation. He then addressed the House on the origin and causes of the war; next he spoke of its effects; then he showed that, as he conceived, the end of the war must be separation; and, lastly, he endeavored to show that humanity and British interests demanded that a stop should be put to the war. It appeared strange and unaccountable to him that her Majesty’s government had taken no steps in that direction. It was clear that the South could not be conquered, and it was still more clear it could never be brought back again into the Union. He therefore submitted that the time had arrived when the Southern States ought to be received into the family of nations, and begged to make the above motion.
Mr. Taylor, who had given notice of an amendment to Mr. Lindsay’s motion, to leave out all the words after the words “House,” in order to insert the words, “it is desirable that this country should continue to maintain the strictest neutrality in the civil war unhappily existing in the republic of the United States,” said he thought Mr. Lindsay had not acted prudently in disregarding the suggestion of an honorable member, to forbear to move his resolution. It meant the recognition of the Southern States and intervention by force, which was another word for war with America. He had never heard, he said, such tremendous issues so raised; he, therefore, implored the House not to adopt the resolution.
Lord A. V. Tempest, who had given notice of a resolution, “that it is the duty of her Majesty’s government to endeavor, either by itself or in combination with other European Powers, by mediation or otherwise, to bring to a termination the existing contest in America,” said he thought the House should not separate without expressing an opinion on the subject of the war. He justified the interference of Great Britain on the grounds of humanity and of its responsibilities and duties. Mediation, however, he thought would be worthless unless backed by ulterior measures.
Mr. W. Foster said that, in his opinion, the motion was not calculated to put an end to the war, but was more likely to prolong it, and even to drag Great Britain into it. Was the object of the resolution, he asked, mediation or forcible interference? If the former, the less that was publicly said about it the better, and the mediator should be considered a friend to both parties; whereas Mr. Lindsay had avowed his partiality for the South. Then, if the offer of mediation was to be accompanied by a threat, it would be justly regarded as an insult, and would aggravate the evil. If the North were let alone it was not improbable it would find out that the subjugation of the South was too hard a task. He insisted that the civil strife was a great revolution, that tariffs had nothing to do with it, that slavery was the real cause of the war, and that it would put an end to slavery. He, therefore, advocated the principle and policy of non-intervention.
Mr. Whiteside observed, that although this question was difficult and delicate, that was no reason why the House of Commons should not express an opinion upon it; to shrink from doing it would be a cowardly proceeding on their part, and he thought Mr. Lindsay deserved well of the country in giving the government an opportunity of making known their sentiments on the subject. In his opinion the time had come when, upon the principles of international law, the Southern States, which had so long maintained their independence, might be recognized, without giving just ground of war or umbrage to the North. Mr. Gregory contended that though the war was for independence on one side, it was not for empire but for revenge on the other, in pursuit of which object every other consideration had been lost sight of by the North, and he insisted that Great Britain had a perfect right to endeavor to put a stop to such a state of things.
Mr. S. Fitzgerald moved the adjournment of the debate, when—
Lord Palmerston rose and said he hoped, after the length to which the debate had gone, that the House would be disposed to come to a decision to-night on the motion of the honorable member for Sunderland. The subject they had been debating was one of the highest importance, and one also of the most delicate character—and he could not think that the postponement of the conclusion of the debate could be attended with any beneficial result, either one way or the other. There could be but one wish on the part of every man in the country with respect to the war in America, and that was that it should end. He might doubt whether any end which could be satisfactory, or which could lead to an amicable settlement between the two parties was likely to be accelerated by angry debates in that House. He confessed, therefore, that he regretted that the discussion had been brought on, and he should earnestly hope that the House would not agree to the motion of his honorable friend, but would leave it in the hands of the government to deal with the future, content as he believed the country was with the manner in which the past had been conducted by them.
Mr. Hopwood said a few words concerning the distress of the operatives of Lancashire and Cheshire, which, he said, was entirely caused by the war in America, and implored the government to take some steps to put an end to the misery which the struggle was creating not only in America but in Europe.
Mr. Lindsay then asked the permission of the House to withdraw his motion, observing that he would rest satisfied with the statement of the noble lord at the head of the government, and the hope which it held out that he would take the earliest opportunity to bring about a termination of the war.
The motion was then withdrawn.
JULY 17TH.—The people are too jubilant, I fear, over our recent successes near the city. A great many skulkers from the army are seen daily in the streets, and it is said there are 3000 men here subject to conscript duty, who have not been enrolled. The business of purchasing substitutes is prevailing alarmingly.
July 17th, Thursday.
