Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Monday, April 18, 2011

April 18th.—It is as though we woke up in a barrack. No! There is the distinction, that in the passages slaves are moving up and down with cups of iced milk or water for their mistresses in the early morning, cleanly dressed, neatly clad, with the conceptions of Parisian millinery adumbrated to their condition, and transmitted by the white race, hovering round their heads and bodies. They sit outside the doors, and chatter in the passages; and as the Irish waiter brings in my hot water for shaving, there is that odd, round, oily, half-strangled, chuckling, gobble of a laugh peculiar to the female Ethiop, coming in through the doorway.

Later in the day, their mistresses sail out from the inner harbors, and launch all their sails along the passages, down the stairs, and into the long, hot, fluffy salle-à-manger, where, blackened with flies which dispute the viands, they take their tremendous meals. They are pale, pretty, svelte—just as I was about to say they were rather small, there rises before me the recollection of one Titanic dame—a Carolinian Juno, with two lovely peacock daughters—and I refrain from generalizing. Exceedingly proud these ladies are said to be—for a generation or two of family suffice in this new country, if properly supported by the possession of negroes and acres, to give pride of birth, and all the grandeur which is derived from raising raw produce, cereals, and cotton—suâ terrâ. Their enemies say that the grandfathers of some of these noble people were mere pirates and smugglers, who dealt in a cavalier fashion with the laws and with the flotsam and jetsam of fortune on the seas and reefs hereabouts. Cotton suddenly—almost unnaturally, as far as the ordinary laws of commerce are concerned, grew up whilst land was cheap, and slaves were of moderate price—the pirates, and piratesses had control of both, and in a night the gourd swelled and grew to a prodigious size. These are Northern stories. What the Southerners say of their countrymen and women in the upper part of this “blessed Union” I have written for the edification of people at home.

The tables in the eating-room are disposed in long rows, or detached so as to suit private parties. When I was coming down to Charleston, one of my fellow-passengers told me he was quite shocked the first time he saw white people acting as servants; but no such scruples existed in the Mills House, for the waiters were all Irish, except one or two Germans. The carte is much the same at all American hotels, the variations depending on local luxuries or tastes. Marvellous exceedingly is it to see the quantities of butter, treacle, and farinaceous matters prepared in the heaviest form— of fish, of many meats, of eggs scrambled or scarred or otherwise prepared, of iced milk and water, which an American will consume in a few minutes in the mornings. There is, positively, no rest at these meals—no repose. The guests are ever passing in and out of the room, chairs are for ever pushed to and fro with a harsh grating noise that sets the teeth on edge, and there is a continual clatter of plates and metal. Every man is reading his paper, or discussing the news with his neighbor. I was introduced to a vast number of people and was asked many questions respecting my views of Sumter, or what I thought “old Abe and Seward would do?” The proclamation calling out 75,000 men issued by said old Abe, they treat with the most profound contempt or unsparing ridicule, as the case may be. Five out of six of the men at table wore uniforms this morning.

Having made the acquaintance of several warriors, as well as that of a Russian gentleman, Baron Sternberg, who was engaged in looking about him in Charleston, and was, like most foreigners, impressed with the conviction that actum est de Republicâ, I went out with Major Whiting [now Confederate General] and Mr. Ward, the former of whom was anxious to show me Fort Moultrie and the left side of the Channel, in continuation of my trip yesterday. It was arranged that we should go off as quietly as possible, “so as to prevent the newspapers knowing anything about it.” The major has a great dislike to the gentlemen of the press, and General Beauregard had sent orders for the staff-boat to be prepared, so as to be quiet and private, but the fates were against us. On going down to the quay, we learned that a gentleman had come down with an officer and had gone off in our skiff, the boat-keepers believing they were the persons for whom it was intended. In fact, our Russian friend, Baron Sternberg, had stolen a march upon us.

After a time, the major succeeded in securing the services of the very smallest, most untrustworthy, and ridiculous-looking craft ever seen by mortal eyes. If Charon had put a two-horse power engine into his skiff, it might have borne some resemblance to this egregious cymbalus, which had once been a fiat-bottomed, open decked cutter or galley, into the midst of which the owner had forced a small engine and paddlewheels, and at the stern had erected a roofed caboose, or oblong pantry, sacred to oil-cans and cockroaches. The crew consisted of the first captain and the second captain, a lad of tender years, and that was all. Into the pantry we scrambled, and sat down knee to knee, whilst the engine was getting up its steam: a very obstinate and anti-caloric little engine it was—puffing and squeaking, leaking, and distilling drops of water, and driving out blasts of steam in unexpected places.

As long as we lay at the quay all was right. The major was supremely happy, for he could talk about Thackeray and his writings—a theme of which he never tired—nay, on which his enthusiasm reached the height of devotional fervor. Did I ever know any one like Major Pendennis? Was it known who Becky Sharp was? Who was the O’Mulligan? These questions were mere hooks on which to hang rhapsodies and delighted dissertation. He might have got down as far as Pendennis himself, when a lively swash of water flying over the preposterous little gunwales, and dashing over our boots into the cabin, announced that our bark was under weigh. There is, we were told, for several months in the year, a brisk breeze from the southward and eastward in and off Charleston Harbor, and there was to-day a small joggle in the water which would not have affected anything floating except our steamer; but as we proceeded down the narrow channel by Castle Pinckney, the little boat rolled as if she would capsize every moment, and made no pretence at doing more than a mile an hour at her best; and it became evident that our voyage would be neither pleasant, prosperous, nor speedy. Still the major went on between the lurches, and drew his feet up out of the water, in order to have “a quiet chat,” as he said, “about my favourite author.” My companion and myself could not condense ourselves or foreshorten our nether limbs quite so deftly.

Standing out from the shelter towards Sumter, the sea came rolling on our beam, making the miserable craft oscillate as if some great hand had caught her by the funnel—Yankeeicé, smokestack—and was rolling her backwards and forwards, as a preliminary to a final keel over. The water came in plentifully, and the cabin was flooded with a small sea: the latter partook of the lively character of the external fluid, and made violent efforts to get overboard to join it, which generally were counteracted by the better sustained and directed attempts of the external to get inside. The captain seemed very unhappy; the rest of the crew—our steerer—had discovered that the steamer would not steer at all, and that we were rolling like a log on the water. Certainly neither Pinckney, nor Sumter, nor Moultrie altered their relative bearings and distances towards us for half an hour or so, though they bobbed up and down continuously. “But it is,” said the major, “in the character of Colonel Newcome that Thackeray has, in my opinion, exhibited the greatest amount of power; the tenderness, simplicity, love, manliness, and —” Here a walloping muddy green wave came “all aboard,” and the cymbalus gave decided indications of turning turtle. We were wet and miserable, and two hours or more had now passed in making a couple of miles. The tide was setting more strongly against us, and just off Moultrie, in the tideway between its walls and Sumter, could be seen the heads of the sea-horses unpleasantly crested. I know not what of eloquent disquisition I lost, for the major was evidently in his finest moment and on his best subject, but I ventured to suggest that we should bout ship and return—and thus aroused him to a sense of his situation. And so we wore round—a very delicate operation, which, by judicious management in getting side bumps of the sea at favorable moments, we were enabled to effect in some fifteen or twenty minutes; and then we became so parboiled by the heat from the engine, that conversation was impossible.

How glad we were to land once more I need not say. As I gave the captain a small votive tablet of metal, he said, “I’m thinkin’ it’s very well yes turned back. Av we’d gone any further, devil aback ever we’d have come.” “Why didn’t you say so before?” “Sure I didn’t like to spoil the trip.” My gifted countryman and I parted to meet no more.

******

Second and third editions and extras! News of Secession meetings and of Union meetings! Every one is filled with indignation against the city of New York, on account of the way in which the news of the reduction of Fort Sumter has been received there. New England has acted just as was expected, but better things were anticipated on the part of the Empire city. There is no sign of shrinking from a contest: on the contrary, the Carolinians are full-of eagerness to test their force in the field. “Let them come!” is their boastful mot d’ordre.

The anger which is reported to exist in the North only adds to the fury and animosity of the Carolinians. They are determined now to act on their sovereign rights as a state, cost what it may, and uphold the ordinance of secession. The answers of several State Governors to President Lincoln’s demand for troops, have delighted our friends. Beriah Magoffin, of Kentucky, declares he won’t give any men for such a wicked purpose; and another gubernatorial dignitary laconically replied to the demand for so many thousand soldiers, “Nary one.” Letcher, Governor of Virginia, has also sent a refusal. From the North comes news of mass-meetings, of hauling down Secession colors, mobbing Secession papers, of military bodies turning out, banks subscribing and lending.

Jefferson Davis has met President Lincoln’s proclamation by a counter manifesto, issuing letters of marque and reprisal—on all sides preparations for war. The Southern agents are buying steamers, but they fear the Northern states will use their navy to enforce a blockade, which is much dreaded, as it will cut off supplies and injure the commerce, on which they so much depend. Assuredly Mr. Seward cannot know anything of the feeling of the South, or he would not be so confident as he was that all would blow over, and that the states, deprived of the care and fostering influences of the general Government, would get tired of their Secession ordinances, and of their experiment to maintain a national life, so that the United States will be re-established before long,

I went over and saw General Beauregard at his quarters. He was busy with papers, orderlies, and despatches, and the outer room was crowded with officers. His present task, he told me, was to put Sumter in a state of defence, and to disarm the works bearing on it, so as to get their fire directed on the harbor approaches, as “the North in its madness” might attempt a naval attack on Charleston. His manner of transacting business is clear and rapid. Two vases filled with flowers on his table, flanking his maps and plans; and a little hand bouquet of roses, geraniums, and scented flowers lay on a letter which he was writing as I came in, by way of paper weight. He offered me every assistance and facility, relying, of course, on my strict observance of a neutral’s duty. I reminded him once more, that as the representative of an English journal, it would be my duty to write freely to England respecting what I saw; and that I must not be held accountable if on the return of my letters to America, a month after they were written, it was found they contained information to which circumstances might attach an objectionable character. The General said, “I quite understand you. We must take our chance of that, and leave you to exercise your discretion.”

In the evening I dined with our excellent Consul, Mr. Bunch, who had a small and very agreeable party to meet me. One very venerable old gentleman, named Huger (pronounced as Hugeë), was particularly interesting in appearance and conversation. He formerly held some official appointment under the Federal Government, but had gone out with his state, and had been confirmed in his appointment by the Confederate Government. Still he was not happy at the prospect before him or; his country. “I have lived too long, ” he exclaimed; “I should have died ere these evil days arrived.” What thoughts, indeed, must have troubled his mind when he reflected that his country was but little older than himself; for, he was one who had shaken hands with the framers of the Declaration of Independence. But though the tears rolled down his cheeks when he spoke of the prospect of civil war, there was no symptom of apprehension for the result, or indeed of any regret for the contest, which he regarded as the natural consequence of the insults, injustice, and aggression of the North against Southern rights.

Only one of the company, a most lively, quaint, witty old lawyer named Petigru, dissented from the doctrines of Secession; but he seems to be treated as an amiable, harmless person, who has a weakness of intellect or a “bee in his bonnet” on this particular matter.

It was scarcely very agreeable to my host or myself to find that no considerations were believed to be of consequence in reference to England except her material interests, and that these worthy gentlemen regarded her as a sort of appanage of their cotton kingdom. “Why, sir, we have only to shut off your supply of cotton for a few weeks, and we can create a revolution in Great Britain. There are four millions of your people depending on us for their bread, not to speak of the many millions of dollars. No, sir, we know that England must recognize us,” &c.

Liverpool and Manchester have obscured all Great Britain to the Southern eye. I confess the tone of my friends irritated me. I said so to Mr. Bunch, who laughed, and remarked, “You’ll not mind it when you get as much accustomed to this sort of thing as I am.” I could not help saying, that if Great Britain were such a sham as they supposed, the sooner a hole was drilled in her, and the whole empire sunk under water, the better for the world, the cause of truth, and of liberty.

These tall, thin, fine-faced Carolinians are great materialists. Slavery perhaps has aggravated the tendency to look at all the world through parapets of cotton bales and rice bags, and though more stately and less vulgar, the worshippers here are not less prostrate before the “almighty dollar” than the Northerners. Again cropping out of the dead level of hate to the Yankee, grows its climax in the profession from nearly every one of the guests, that he would prefer a return to British rule to any reunion with New England. “The names in South Carolina show our origin— Charleston, and Ashley, and Cooper, &c. Our Gadsden, Sumter and Pinckney were true cavaliers,” &c. They did not say anything about Pedee, or Tombigbee, or Sullivan’s Island, or the like. We all have our little or big weaknesses.

I see no trace of cavalier descent in the names of Huger, Rose, Manning, Chesnut, Pickens; but there is a profession of faith in the cavaliers and their cause among them because it is fashionable in Carolina. They affect the agricultural faith and the belief of a landed gentry. It is not only over the wine glass—why call it cup?—that they ask for a Prince to reign over them; I have heard the wish repeatedly expressed within the last two days that we could spare them one of our young Princes, but never in jest or in any frivolous manner.

On my way home again I saw the sentries on their march, the mounted patrols starting on their ride, and other evidences that though the slaves are “the happiest and most contented race in the world,” they require to be taken care of like less favored mortals. The city watch-house is filled every night with slaves, who are confined there till reclaimed by their owners, whenever they are found out after nine o’clock, p.m., without special passes or permits. Guns are firing for the Ordinance of Secession of Virginia.

THURSDAY 18

Cool pleasant day, fire comfortable. Business in the office goes on as usual and is increasing this month. Business there does not seem to be much affected by the excitement in the City. The rumor today that Virginia had “seceded” and seized Govt property at Norfolk & Harpers Ferry caused intense excitement. There seemed to be a great anxiety to fight manifested all round. Soldiers are arriving from the North tonight and an attack is expected upon the City from Virginia. The City is apparently pretty well prepared. Wo[e] to the invaders.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

—Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replies to President Lincoln’s call for two regiments of troops, by saying that “Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the defence of our rights or those of our Southern brothers.” —Louisville Democrat, April 21.

—Governor Jackson, of Missouri, answers Secretary Cameron by telling him that his “requisition is illegal, unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be complied with.” Missouri won’t furnish a single man for such an unholy crusade.—Charleston Mercury, April 19.

—John Bell, Niell S. Brown, Bailie Payton, and eight other citizens of Tennessee, issued an address calling upon the people of that State to maintain a position of independence in the present struggle, taking sides with the union and peace of the country against all assailants, whether from the North or the South.—(Doc. 61½.)

—The Common Council of Boston appropriated $100,000 to provide for soldiers enlisting from Boston. The Lowell city government appropriated $8,000 for soldiers’ families.— Boston Journal.

—At Xenia, Ohio, $14,000 were subscribed to aid the volunteers. At noon Captain Tripp’s company of one hundred men left Mount Vernon, Ind., for Indianapolis. —Louisville Democrat, April 21.

—The National Union, published at Winchester, Ky., says: “Mark, now, what we say: any attempt on the part of the Government of this State, or of any one else, to put Kentucky out of the Union by force, or using force to compel Union men in any manner to submit to an ordinance of secession, or any pretended resolution or decree, arising from such secession, is an act of treason against the State of Kentucky.

“It is, therefore, lawful to resist any such ordinance. We hope that we are now fully understood thus far.”

A meeting at Chicago, Illinois, called for the purpose of sustaining the Government, was the largest and most enthusiastic ever held in the city. Speeches were made by prominent gentlemen of both parties. Stirring resolutions were adopted. $6,000 were subscribed for the support of the volunteers until taken charge of by the State.—Free Press.

—The banks in Trenton, N. J., Chicago, Ill., Portland, Me., subscribed in support of the Federal Government. A meeting of the officers, representing all the Boston (Mass.) banks, was held this morning, when resolutions were adopted to loan the State of Massachusetts 10 per cent. on their entire capital for the defence of the Government. The capital of the Boston banks amounts to $38,800,000.—Boston Transcript.

—At Pittsburgh, Pa., an intense war feeling prevails. Business is almost suspended. Immense crowds throng all the prominent streets, flags are floating everywhere, and the volunteer companies are all filled and departing eastward. Liberal subscriptions are being made for the comfort of volunteers and the support of their families. Recruiting is still going on, although there are more than enough for the requirements of the State to fill the Federal requisition. A Committee of Public Safety held a meeting to-day, and organized. A large quantity of powder which had been sent down the river, was intercepted at Steubenville, it being feared it would fall into the hands of the Secessionists. Ropes were suspended by lamp-posts last night, by unknown persons, labelled “Death to traitors.” Some assaults have been made on persons who have expressed sympathy with the secessionists.—Philadelphia Press.

—Lieutenant Jones, United States army, in command at Harper’s Ferry with forty-three men, destroyed the arsenal at that place and retreated. He was advised that a force of 2,500 men had been ordered to take his post by Governor Letcher; and he put piles of powder in straw in all the buildings, and quietly waited the approach of the enemy. When his picket guard gave the alarm that 600 Virginians were approaching by the Winchester road, the men were run out of the arsenal and the combustibles fired. The people fired upon the soldiers, killing two, and rushed into the arsenal. All the works, munitions of war, and 15,000 stand of arms were destroyed.—(Doc. 62.)—Times, .April 21.

—There was an immense Union meeting at Louisville this evening. Speeches were made by Mr. Guthrie, formerly Secretary of the Treasury, the venerable Judge Nicholson, and others. Resolutions were unanimously passed, declaring that the Confederate States had commenced war with the Federal Government; that Kentucky is loyal to the Union; that Secession is not a remedy for an evil; that Kentucky will not take part against the Federal Government, but will maintain a neutral position.—(Doc. 63.)

—The Custom House and Post Office at Richmond were seized by order of the Governor. The New York packet steamer Jamestown was seized at City Point, sixty miles below Richmond, and a packet schooner belonging to Maine was taken at Richmond.—Herald, April 20.

—A seccesion flag was raised on Federal Hill, in Baltimore, and saluted with a cannon, when the workmen from foundries in the neighborhood rushed out and tore down the flag, and threw the cannon into the Patapsco.— Times, April 19.

—A letter from Baltimore to New York, under this date, says: “A serious disposition is manifested in certain quarters to obstruct the passage of Northern troops through the State.—Times, April 20.

—Governor Morgan, of New York, issued a proclamation calling for men to answer the President’s requisition.

—Major Anderson and his command arrived in New York from Charleston by the Baltic, and met with an enthusiastic reception from the people.—(Doc. 64.)—Herald, April 19.

—The Sixth Massachusetts regiment arrived in New York en route for Washington, and made a triumphal march through the city.—Ibid.

—The Governor of Maryland and Mayor of Baltimore issued proclamations, urging the people to keep the peace and avoid civil war. The Governor declared that no troops should be sent from the State, except for the defence of Washington.—(Doc. 65.)—Tribune, April 20.

—A mass meeting was held at Kingston, N. Y., to sustain the Government and defend the Union. John B. Steele presided. In his speech, on taking the chair, he said:

“It must never be supposed that the flag could be desecrated without touching the soul of every genuine American. No matter what it must cost, the Stars and Stripes must wave. But one heart beats here, and that is the true and loyal American heart.”

W. S. Kenyon and Theodore R. Westbrook also spoke. Mr. Westbrook said he laid aside all party lines, all party prejudices, all political opinions, and stood for his country alone. He loved his party; but, thank God, he loved his country better. He wasn’t going to stop to consider who was right or wrong; but, right or wrong, his country. He grasped the folds of the Stars and Stripes, and said, “Let it be known that in the nineteenth Century traitor hands and traitor hearts are found among as to disgrace that flag, which had been their shield and protection, as well as our own.” He asked God might record his vow to stand by, protect, and, if need be, die for that flag.

Speeches were also made by Erastus Cooke, G. H. Sharp, W. H. Romeyn, and Mr. W. Chipp.— Tribune, April 20.

April 18th.—In spite of every precaution, it is currently whispered in the streets to-day that Virginia has seceded from the Union; and that the act is to be submitted to the people for ratification a month hence. This is perhaps a blunder. If the Southern States are to adhere to the old distinct sovereignty doctrine, God help them one and all to achieve their independence of the United States. Many are inclined to think the safest plan would be to obliterate State lines, and merge them all into an indivisible nation or empire, else there may be incessant conflicts between the different sovereignties themselves, and between them and the General Government. I doubt our ability to maintain the old cumbrous, complicated, and expensive form of government. A national executive and Congress will be sufficiently burdensome to the people without the additional expense of governors, lieutenant-governors, a dozen secretaries of State, as many legislatures, etc. etc. It is true, State rights gave the States the right to secede. But what is in a name? Secession by any other name would smell as sweet. For my part, I like the name of Revolution, or even Rebellion, better, for they are sanctified by the example of Washington and his compeers. And separations of communities are like the separations of bees when they cannot live in peace in the same hive. The time had come apparently for us to set up for ourselves, and we should have done it if there had been no such thing as State sovereignty. It is true, the Constitution adopted at Montgomery virtually acknowledges the right of any State to secede from the Confederacy; but that was necessary in vindication of the action of its fathers. That Constitution, and the permanent one to succeed it, will, perhaps, never do. They too much resemble the governmental organization of the Yankees, to whom we have bid adieu forever in disgust.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA,
Fort Pickens, April 18, 1861.

Lieut. Col. E. D. KEYES, Secretary to the General-in-Chief, Washington, D.C.:

COLONEL: We arrived off this place on the evening of the 17th instant, having encountered a heavy norther on the passage from Tortugas. I immediately sought and obtained an interview with Captain Adams, commanding the naval forces here, who promised me every assistance in his power, and boats to land my command. I decided to land with a part of my force without delay, and while preparing to land, signal rockets from Fort Pickens, indicating an expected attack, hastened our departure. I got in the fort at 2 o’clock yesterday morning with the Sappers and Miners and a part of Clitz’s company. Our arrival probably prevented the contemplated attack. I found in the fort, besides the two companies of artillery, a detachment of one hundred marines and sailors. The greater portion of them I have sent back to the ships. In the course of yesterday and to-day all the troops and horses have landed, and a very small portion of stores, the landing of which in the surf is a slow operation.

In going over the fort and examining its condition, the miserable state of its armament, the small supply of ammunition and stores, I am almost discouraged at the task before me. The mounted guns are few in number—two 10-inch shell guns, four 8-inch howitzers, seventeen 32-pounders,  and seven 18 and eleven 12 pounders. The guns are generally indifferent, and the carriages old and not to be depended on.

I have not been able to ascertain the exact force of the secessionists, but so far as I can learn their force is nearly 7,000 men. Their forts are fully armed, Fort McRee having, it is said, one hundred heavy guns. Fort Barrancas’ guns are not so heavy, and they have, besides, several heavy batteries, so that every face but one of this fort is taken in reverse, and if they take possession of Santa Rosa, which with my force I cannot prevent, they can erect batteries so as to enfilade every face.

I cannot too strongly urge the importance of the heavy rifled guns, with their carriages, for which I have estimates, sent without a moment’s delay, though how we are to get them ashore in the face of an enemy I cannot now say.

I am now impressed with my inability to return, even moderately, a fire for any considerable time, and the entrance of the Powhatan will certainly cause a collision for which I am unprepared. I have urged Captain Meigs to defer his entrance until we are better prepared. A collision at this moment would embarrass me exceedingly in unloading the ship and getting my supplies ashore, and we are so short of all necessaries that they are of the first importance. In the face of the heavy batteries she will have to encounter, I very much doubt the possibility of the Powhatan getting in by daylight, though I may be mistaken. The odds against her are fearful.

I thought it advisable to inform the secession general of the position in which I stand, so I sent to him a flag of truce with the letter marked A, to which he returned no answer, only remarking to the bearer, Captain Vogdes, that in re-enforcing this fort I had broken the truce.

It is reported to me that until the day Captain Vogdes entered the fort communication by mail was allowed, they inspecting the letters, and forwarding such as they pleased and retaining the others; but since then no letters are forwarded either to or from this post. The post-office should be transferred to this place, and an officer appointed postmaster.

I have my whole force employed in mounting guns, making roads, preparing quarters, and unloading the steamer. Many traverses are indispensably necessary for the protection of the men and guns in case of a bombardment, and I have not been able for want of tools and sand bags even to commence them. In two days I think I shall be able to make a respectable defense against the combined force of the forts and batteries, and to inflict more injury than I shall receive.

I found affairs in Key West tending to so favorable an issue that a part of the forces there may be spared. I have, therefore, ordered two companies of infantry to proceed in the Crusader, which Captain Adams has kindly authorized me to use, to this post. When they arrive and those in the Illinois, I shall be so strong as to defy the taking of this fort by assault, whatever may be the force brought against it. I think these companies should be replaced by two others if they can be spared.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

HARVEY BROWN,
Colonel, Commanding.

[Inclosure A.]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA,
Fort Pickens, Fla., April 17, 1861.

Brig. Gen. BRAXTON BRAGG, Commanding Troops of Confederate States near Pensacola, Fla.:

SIR: I have the honor to inform you that I have arrived at this post, and that I shall, unless assailed, act only on the defensive, and make only such disposition of my threes as is necessary to protect them from any enemy, foreign or domestic. I have also to inform you that no movement of the troops of my command or of United States vessels in this vicinity will have any other than a defensive object, unless we shall unhappily be compelled to act offensively, repelling aggression against the flag, persons, or property of our country.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

HARVEY BROWN,
Colonel, Commanding.

GENERAL ORDERS NO. 3.
Extract

HDQRS. DEP’T OF FLORIDA,
Fort Pickens, April 18, 1861.

Fort Pickens is hereby announced as the headquarters of the Department of Florida:

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

By order of Colonel Brown:

GEO. L. HARTSUFF,
Assistant Adjutant-General.