Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Tuesday, May 3, 2011

May 3rd.—I bade good-by to Mr. Green, who with several of his friends came down to see me off, at the terminus or “depȏt” of the Central Railway, on my way to Montgomery—and looked my last on Savannah, its squares and leafy streets, its churches, and institutes with a feeling of regret that I could not see more of them, and that I was forced to be content with the outer aspect of the public buildings. I had been serenaded and invited out in all directions, asked to visit plantations and big trees, to make excursions to famous or beautiful spots, and specially warned not to leave the State without visiting the mountain district in the northern and western portion; but the march of events called me to Montgomery.

From Savannah to Macon, 191 miles, the road passes through level country only partially cleared. That is, there are patches of forest still intruding on the green fields, where the jagged black teeth of the destroyed trees rise from above the maize and cotton. There were but few negroes visible at work, nor did the land appear rich, but I was told the rail was laid along the most barren part of the country. The Indians had roamed in these woods little more than twenty years ago—now the wooden huts of the planters’ slaves and the larger edifice with its verandah and timber colonnade stood in the place of their wigwam.

Among the passengers to whom I was introduced was the Bishop of Georgia, the Rev. Mr. Elliott, a man of exceeding fine presence, of great stature, and handsome face, with a manner easy and graceful, but we got on the unfortunate subject of slavery, and I rather revolted at hearing a Christian prelate advocating the institution on scriptural grounds.

This affectation of Biblical sanction and ordinance as the basis of slavery was not new to me, though it is not much known at the other side of the Atlantic. I had read in a work on slavery, that it was permitted by both the Scriptures and the Constitution of the United States, and that it must, therefore, be doubly right. A nation that could approve of such interpretations of the Scriptures and at the same time read the “New York Herald,” seemed ripe for destruction as a corporate existence. The malum prohibitum was the only evil its crass senses could detect, and the malum per se was its good, if it only came covered with cotton or gold. The miserable sophists who expose themselves to the contempt of the world by their paltry thesicles on the divine origin and uses of slavery, are infinitely more contemptible than the wretched bigots who published themes long ago on the propriety of burning witches, or on the necessity for the offices of the Inquisition.

Whenever the Southern Confederacy shall achieve its independence — no matter what its resources, its allies, or its aims —it will have to stand face to face with civilized Europe on this question of slavery, and the strength which it derived from the ægis of the Constitution — “the league with the devil and covenant with Hell” — will be withered and gone.

I am well aware of the danger of drawing summary conclusions off-hand from the windows of a railway, but there is also a right of sight which exists under all circumstances, and so one can determine if a man’s face be dirty as well from a glance as if he inspected it for half an hour. For instance, no one can doubt the evidence of his senses, when he sees from the windows of the carriages that the children are barefooted, shoeless, stockingless — that the people who congregate at the wooden huts and grog-shops of the stations are rude, unkempt, but great fighting material, too — that the villages are miserable places, compared with the trim, snug settlements one saw in New Jersey from the carriage windows. Slaves in the fields looked happy enough — but their masters certainly were rough looking and uncivilized — and the land was but badly cleared. But then we were traversing the least fertile portions of the State — a recent acquirement — gained only one generation since.

The train halted at a snug little wood-embowered restaurant, surrounded by trellis and lattice-work, and in the midst of a pretty garden, which presented a marked contrast to the “surroundings” we had seen. The dinner, served by slaves, was good of its kind, and the charge not high. On tendering the landlord a piece of gold for payment, he looked at it with disgust, and asked, “Have you no Charleston money? No Confederate notes?” “Well, no! Why do you object to gold?” “Well, do you see, I’d rather have our own paper! I don’t care to take any of the United States gold. I don’t want their stars and their eagles; I hate the sight of them.” The man was quite sincere — my companion gave him notes of some South Carolina bank.

It was dark when the train reached Macon, one of the principal cities of the State. We drove to the best hotel, but the regular time for dinner hour was over, and that for supper not yet come. The landlord directed us to a subterranean restaurant, in which were a series of crypts closed in by dirty curtains, where we made a very extraordinary repast, served by a half-clad little negress, who watched us at the meal with great interest through the curtains — the service was of the coarsest description; thick French earthenware, the spoons of pewter, the knives and forks steel or iron, with scarce a pretext of being cleaned. On the doors were the usual warnings against pickpockets, and the customary internal police regulations and ukases. Pickpockets and gamblers abound in American cities, and thrive greatly at the large hotels and the lines of railways.

FRIDAY 3

Rainy day, cold and chilly. In the Pat office the troops have been drilling in all the Halls. The RI Marine Battery, 6 [Janus?] rifled cannon, 150 men, 90 Horses, &c have arrived. They marched through PA Ave to the Prests with their guns and attracted much attention. There is not much doing in the office at present. I have plenty of time to read and write letters. But there is so much excitement that it is almost impossible to fix ones mind upon any one subject long at a time.

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

MAY 3d. —No letters from my wife. Probably she has taken the children to the Eastern Shore. Her farm is there, and she has many friends in the county. On that narrow peninsula it is hardly to be supposed the Yankees will send any troops. With the broad Atlantic on one side and the Chesapeake Bay on the other, it is to be presumed there will be no military demonstration by the inhabitants, for they could neither escape nor receive reinforcements from the mainland. In the war of the first Revolution, and the subsequent one with Great Britain, this peninsula escaped the ravages of the enemy, although the people were as loyal to the government of the United States as any; but the Yankees are more enterprising than the British, and may have an eye to “truck farms” in that fruitful region.

Abby Howland Woolsey to Eliza Woolsey Howland

Friday.

Dear Eliza: We got off our first trunk of Hospital supplies for Colonel Mansfield Davies’ Regiment yesterday and feel today as if we were quite at leisure. You have no idea of the number of last things there were to do, or the different directions we had to go in, to do them. Mr. Davies came in at breakfast yesterday, in his regimentals, quite opportunely, to tell us what to do with the trunk. It went down to his headquarters at 564 Broadway and thence by steamer to Fort Schuyler for the sick soldiers there. Charley and Ned drove out there yesterday afternoon from Astoria to see the drill, and saw the box safely landed within the walls. It was the old black ark which you and G. had in Beyrout, Syria, marked with a capital H, which now answers for Hospital. There were in it as follows—for you may be curious to know:—

42 shirts,

2 drawers,

6 calico gowns,

24 pairs woolen socks, .

24 pairs slippers,

24 pocket handkerchiefs,

18 pillow sacks,

36 pillow-cases,

18 damask napkins,

36 towels,

24 sponges,

4 boxes of lint,

beside old linen, oiled silk, tape, thread, pins, scissors, wax, books (Hedley Vicars and the like), ribbon, cloth, etc., and fifty bandages.

This morning Mother has been putting up a tin box of stores for Mr. Davies — sardines, potted meats, arrow root, chocolate, guava and the like, with a box of cologne, a jar of prunes and a morocco case with knife, fork and spoon, fine steel and double plated, “ just out “ for army use. Lots more. The box, a square cracker box, holds as much in its way as the trunk. I am glad you are in the library at last. You will grow accustomed to it and find it pleasanter even than the dining-room.

—The American flag was elevated above the roof of the University at New York, by Captain Jones, late of Harper’s Ferry, amid the enthusiastic cheers of a large collection of people.

Dr. Bethune made some remarks, taking occasion to make a fitting allusion to Major Anderson and Fort Sumter, which were received with repeated and enthusiastic cheering. He had looked over ancient history for a parallel to this deed of valor, but found none. The bravery shown by the three hundred Spartans at the Pass of Thermopylae was well known; but there still was one coward among them. There was no coward among the men at Sumter. He had been present at a conversation with the gallant defender of the fort, when a gentleman remarked he regretted that the major had not blown up the fort, to which Major Anderson replied that it was better as it was. The ruined battlements and battle-scarred walls of Fort Sumter would be an everlasting shame and disgrace to the South Carolinians. At the conclusion of Dr. Bethune’s remarks the “Star-spangled Banner” was sung, all the audience rising to their feet and joining in the chorus. Col. Baker and Capt. Jones also made short addresses.—The World, May 4.

—Governor Letcher published a proclamation, saying that the sovereignty of the Commonwealth of Virginia having been denied, her territorial rights assailed, her soil threatened with invasion by the authorities of Washington, and every artifice employed which could inflame the people of the Northern States against her, it therefore becomes the solemn duty of every citizen of Virginia to prepare for the impending conflict.

To this end, and for these purposes, and with a determination to repel invasion, Governor Letcher authorizes the Commanding General of the military forces to call out, and cause to be mustered into service from time to time, as the public exigencies may require, such additional number of volunteers as he may deem necessary.—(Doc. 129.)

—The First Regiment, Colonel Johnson; the Second, Col Baker; the Third, Col. Napton; the Fourth, Col. Miller, of New Jersey Troops, with Brigadier-General Runyon and staff, left Bordentown for the seat of war, proceeding down the Delaware, via the Delaware and Chesapeake canal. The troops and stores are in a fleet of fourteen steam propellers, the W. Woodward, Henry Cadwalader, Octorora, Delaware, Raritan, Trenton, Patroon, F. W. Brune, Elizabeth, Franklin, Farmer, J. B. Molleson, Eureka, and Fanny Gardner.— World, May 4.

—Union Ward meetings were held to-night throughout Baltimore, Md., and resolutions were adopted to the following purport:—

That we cherish the Constitution and laws of the United States, and will devote our fortunes and lives to defend their integrity against all revolutionary or violent assaults; that we regret the violent attacks on the troops of the United States while peacefully marching through the city to protect the seat of Government, and indignantly repudiate making it a pretext to organize an armed mob, under the guise of a special police, to place the city in a hostile attitude to the General Government; declaring abhorrence at the attempt of the Legislature to inaugurate a military despotism by the bill for the creation of a Board of Public Safety; that the persons named for said Board have not the confidence of the people, and we protest against the whole measure as an invasion on the prerogatives of the Governor and a usurpation of the Executive power by the Legislature.—N. Y. Tribune, May 4.

—The following notice was issued at Pittsburg, Pa., to-day: Shippers of goods in New York are hereby notified that all packages found to contain guns, pistols, powder, and other articles contraband of war, destined for the Southern States, will not be permitted to pass the city of Pittsburg.
………..By order of the Committee,
………………..E. D. Gazzani, Chairman.
N. Y. Tribune, May 4.

—A letter was received at New York giving information of a design to burn that city, the supply of water to be cut off at the time the city was fired. Philadelphia and Boston were also to be burned.—(Doc. 130.)

—Fourteen companies of Kentuckians from the border counties tendered their services to the Secretary of War through Colonel T. V. Guthrie. Ten were accepted with orders to encamp on the Ohio side of the river.—Boston Transcript, May 4.

—The Connecticut legislature unanimously passed a bill appropriating $2,000,000 for the organization and equipment of a volunteer militia, and to provide for the public defence.—N. Y. Tribune, May 4.

—Governor Jackson of Missouri, in a message to the legislature of that State, says the President of the United States in calling out the troops to subdue the seceded States, has threatened civil war, and his act is unconstitutional and illegal, and tending towards consolidated despotism. While he evidently justifies the action of the Confederate States in seceding, he does not recommend immediate secession, but holds the following language:

“Our interest and sympathies are identical with those of the slaveholding States, and necessarily unite our destiny with theirs. The similarity of our social and political institutions, our industrial interests, our sympathies, habits, and tastes, our common origin, territorial contiguity, all concur in pointing out our duty in regard to the separation now taking place between the States of the old federal Union.” He further adds that “Missouri has at this time no war to prosecute. It is not her policy to make an aggression; but, in the present state of the country, she would be faithless to her honor, recreant to her duty, were she to hesitate a moment in making the most ample preparation for the protection of her people against the aggression of all assailants. I therefore recommend an appropriation of a sufficient sum of money to place the State at the earliest practicable moment in a complete state of defence.”

In conclusion he says: “Permit me to appeal to you and through you to the whole people of the State, to whom we are all responsible, to do nothing imprudent or precipitate. We have a most solemn duty to perform. Let us then calmly reason one with another, avoid all passion and tendency to tumult and disorder, obey implicitly the constituted authorities, and endeavor ultimately to unite all our citizens in a cordial cooperation for the preservation of our honor, the security of our property, and the performance of all those high duties imposed upon us by our obligations to our families, our country, and our God.”—Louisville Journal, May 4

—President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling into the service of the United States 42,000 volunteers for three years’ service, and directing the increase of the regular army and navy of the United States.—(Doc. 131.)

—Four companies of volunteers left Buffalo, N. Y., for the rendezvous at Elmira. They were escorted to the depot by the Home Guard. Major Millard Fillmore, Ex-President, commanding in person. The Home Guard is composed of retired commissioned officers of the State Militia, and is being thoroughly drilled by Major Fillmore. About 150 members are already enrolled.—N. Y. Tribune, May 4.

—Two associations of ladies of New Orleans were formed for aiding and equipping volunteers, and for making lint and bandages, and nursing the sick and wounded. The meetings were very large and enthusiastic.—Baltimore Sun, May 7th.