Following the American Civil War Sesquicentennial with day by day writings of the time, currently 1863.

Saturday, May 28, 2011

Post image for William Howard Russell’s Diary: Wild tales of Southern life and hyphileutin talk.

William Howard Russell’s Diary: Wild tales of Southern life and hyphileutin talk.

May 28, 2011

My Diary North and South - William Howard Russell,The American Civil War

May 28th.—On dropping in at the Consulate to-day, I found the skippers of several English vessels who are anxious to clear out, lest they be detained by the Federal cruisers. The United States steam frigates Brooklyn and Niagara have been for some days past blockading Pass á l’outre. One citizen made a remarkable proposition to Mr. Mure. He came in to borrow an ensign of the Royal Yacht Squadron for the purpose, he said, of hoisting it on board his yacht, and running down to have a look at the Yankee ships. Mr. Mure had no flag to lend; whereupon he asked for a description by which he could get one made. On being applied to, I asked “whether the gentleman was a member of the Squadron?” “Oh, no,” said he, “but my yacht was built in England, and I wrote over some time ago to say I would join the squadron.” I ventured to tell him that it by no means followed he was a member, and that if he went out with the flag and could not show by his papers he had a right to carry it, the yacht would be seized. However, he was quite satisfied that he had an English yacht, and a right to hoist an English flag, and went off to an outfitter’s to order a facsimile of the Squadron ensign, and subsequently cruised among the blockading vessels.

We hear Mr. Ewell was attacked by an Union mob in Tennessee, his luggage was broken open and plundered, and he narrowly escaped personal injury. Per contra, “charges of abolitionism” continue to multiply here, and are almost as numerous as the coroner’s inquests, not to speak of the difficulties which sometimes attain the magnitude of murder.

I dined with a large party at the Lake, who had invited me as their guest, among whom were Mr. Slidell, Governor Hebert, Mr. Hunt, Mr. Norton, Mr. Fellows, and others. I observed in New York that every man had his own solution of the cause of the present difficulty, and contradicted plumply his neighbor the moment he attempted to propound his own theory. Here I found every one agreed as to the righteousness of the quarrel, but all differed as to the best mode of action for the South to pursue. Nor was there any approach to unanimity as the evening waxed older. Incidentally we had wild tales of Southern life, some good songs, curiously intermingled with political discussions, and what the Northerns call hyphileutin talk.

When I was in the Consulate to-day, a tall and well-dressed, but not very prepossessing-looking man, entered to speak to Mr. Mure on business, and was introduced to me at his own request. His name was mentioned incidentally to-night, and I heard a passage in his life not of an agreeable character, to say the least of it. A good many years ago there was a ball at New Orleans, at which this gentleman was present; he paid particular attention to a lady who, however, preferred the society of one of the company, and in the course of the evening an altercation occurred respecting an engagement to dance, in which violent language was exchanged, and a push or blow given by the favored partner to his rival, who left the room, and, as it is stated, proceeded to a cutler’s shop, where he procured a powerful dagger-knife. Armed with this, he returned, and sent in a message to the gentleman with whom he had quarreled. Suspecting nothing, the latter came into the antechamber, the assassin rushed upon him, stabbed him to the heart, and left him weltering in his blood. Another version of the story was, that he waited for his victim till he came into the cloak-room, and struck him as he was in the act of putting on his overcoat. After a long delay, the criminal was tried. The defence put forward on his behalf was that he had seized a knife in the heat of the moment when the quarrel took place, and had slain his adversary in a moment of passion; but evidence, as I understand, went strongly to prove that a considerable interval elapsed between the time of the dispute and the commission of the murder. The prisoner had the assistance of able and ingenious counsel; he was acquitted. His acquittal was mainly due to the judicious disposition of a large sum of money; each juror, when he retired to dinner previous to consulting over the verdict, was enabled to find the sum of 1000 dollars under his plate; nor was it clear that the judge and sheriff had not participated in the bounty; in fact, I heard a dispute as to the exact amount which it is supposed the murderer had to pay. He now occupies, under the Confederate Government, the post at New Orleans which he lately held as representative of the Government of the United States.

After dinner I went in company of some of my hosts to the Boston Club, which has, I need not say, no connection with the city of that name. More fires, the tocsin sounding, and so to bed.

Post image for “More are going over every day, and more are coming from the North.”—Horatio Nelson Taft

“More are going over every day, and more are coming from the North.”—Horatio Nelson Taft

May 28, 2011

Diary of US patent clerk Horatio Nelson Taft.

TUESDAY, MAY 28, 1861.

The weather Continues very cool, a fire in the house to sit by is necessary mornings. The Heights opposite here in Virginia are now thoroughly occupied by some 15000 soldiers. More are going over every day, and more are coming from the North. 3000 came today, 1000 from N.H. and 2000 from Ohio. Walked up to see the NY 7th parade after dinner and at 9 o’ck went to the Prests Levee with Juliet and Saml Androus. Not much of a crowd there and quite pleasant. The officers of the military were out in force. Mr Seward was there and some other notables. Got Home at 10 1/2 .

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The three diary manuscript volumes, Washington during the Civil War: The Diary of Horatio Nelson Taft, 1861-1865, are available online at The Library of  Congress.

Post image for A Diary of American Events – May 28, 1861

A Diary of American Events – May 28, 1861

May 28, 2011

The American Civil War,The Rebellion Record—A Diary of American Events; by Frank Moore

—The forty-seventh annual meeting of the American Baptist Missionary Union, was held in the Pierrepont Street Baptist Church, Brooklyn, Ex-Gov. Briggs, of Massachusetts, in the chair. The exercises were opened with prayer by the Rev. Dr. Welch. The Chairman then addressed the meeting at some length, setting forth the object for which they had assembled. In reference to the present state of the country, he said that soldiers were now to be seen in every direction, flags were floating from every window in every street, old and young were rallying round the standard of the Government to sustain order and law, but amid all this outburst of enthusiasm the Prince of Peace must not be deserted. He was sure that the cause of all our difference with the South was owing to their misapprehension of the sentiments of the North, and he believed that if the heart of the North could be unveiled to their brethren of the South, all our national troubles would cease at once. Speaking of the charge made against the North by the Rev. Dr. Fuller of Baltimore—that the bad men of the North, the pastors, the churches, and the politicians, all united in crying for blood—for the blood of the Southern people, he inquired if this was the case? The congregation at once responded a vigorous “No.” “No,” said he, a more cruel, more unfounded charge never issued from the mouth of man. He denied that any such sentiments as Dr. Fuller had imputed to the North were entertained by Northern Christians. He hoped that the Union would place their sentiments on this subject on record, that the world might judge between truth and error.—N. Y. Tribune, May 29.

—The Ninth New York Regiment, which was the first to offer their services to the Government, arrived at Washington. Having enlisted for three years, they lose their identity as State militia, and at once enter service as United States troops. Eight hundred of them are fully uniformed, and will prove a valuable acquisition to the regular army.—(Doc. 206.)—National Intelligencer, May 29.

—A new military department is formed by Gen. Scott, out of that portion of Virginia lying east of the Alleghenies and north of James River, exclusive of Fortress Monroe and vicinity, and Brigadier General McDowell is appointed to its command. His staff consists of Colonel P. Stone, Fourteenth Infantry, who has recently rendered inestimable services in organizing the District of Columbia Militia; Captain B. O. Tyler, Brevet Captain James B. Fry, and Lieutenant Putnam, of the Topographical Engineers. —N. Y. Herald, May 29.

—The blockade of the port of Savannah was initiated by the U. S. gunboat Union.—Savannah Republican, May 31.

—Brigadier-General Pierce, Massachusetts Militia, was appointed to succeed Gen. Butler, promoted. He left for Washington immediately. Col. Waite, Major Sprague, and the other officers who were captured in Texas, and liberated on parole not to serve against the Confederate States, reached Washington, and reported to the War Department. Col. Lefferts, at Battalion Drill, took the sentiment of the Seventh N. Y. S. M., about remaining until ordered home by Government, their time having expired. Furloughs were offered to all who wished, but only five out of 1,225 asked for them.—N. Y. Times, May 29.

—In the case of Gen. Cadwallader, whose arrest for contempt of Court was ordered, the Marshal reported that, on going to Fort McHenry, he was refused admittance.—(Doc. 207.)

—The Chautauqua Volunteers, under the command of Capt. James M. Brown, left Jamestown, New York, for active service.—Chautauqua Democrat, May 29.

—In the English House of Commons, a debate on British relations with America took place, being opened by a communication from Lord John Russell concerning the blockade. Lord John stated that Lord Lyons had properly said to Admiral Milne that the blockade, if sufficient, must be respected. Mr. T. Duncombe spoke with some warmth on the treatment which British subjects received in the Southern States, and commented with great severity on the piratical offer of $20 per head offered by the rebels for every person killed on board an American vessel. The debate was further continued by Mr. B. Osborne, Mr. Bright, Mr. Gregory, and Mr. Bouverie. Mr. Gregory treated the reported offer spoken of as a newspaper rumor, and declared that he should, on the 7th, press his motion for the acknowledgment of the “Confederate States.”—(Doc. 207½.)

—Judge Hall’s charge to the grand jury at Rochester, N. Y., on the law of treason, was published.—N. Y. World, May 28.

—Two letters from Edward Bates, Attorney-General of the United States, to John Minor Botts of Virginia, were made public.—(Doc. 208.)

—The assertion of the Governor of Georgia, that property of citizens of that State found in the State of New York is forcibly taken from its owners, is denied in a letter published this day, signed by the officers of seven New York banks.—(Doc. 209.)

—The Rochester Regiment, Colonel Quimby, and the Syracuse Regiment, Colonel Walrath, left Elmira, N. Y., for the seat of war.—Buffalo Courier, May 31.

—The Garibaldi Guard, under the command of Colonel D’Utassy, left New York for the seat of war.—(Doc. 210.)

Post image for A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by the DNC Chairman, August Belmont.

A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by the DNC Chairman, August Belmont.

May 28, 2011

A Few Letters and Speeches of the Late Civil War by August Belmont (DNC Chairman)

To Baron LIONEL de ROTHSCHILD, M.P.,

London.

New York, May 28

Dear Baron,—Since my letter by the Africa steamer we have received the proclamation of the Queen, commanding a strict neutrality to her subjects in the struggle in which the government of the United States is now engaged against a portion of its citizens, now in rebellion against their constituted authorities.

It would be difficult for me to convey to you an idea of the general feeling of disappointment and irritation produced in this country, by this manifesto of the British government, by which a few revolted States are placed, in their relations with Great Britain, upon the same footing as the government of the United States.

People naturally compare the position which England takes now against us, to her stand during the Carlist war in Spain. The rebellion in the South has not the same chances of success as there existed certainly at one time for the cause of the Spanish pretender. Yet it certainly never occurred to the British crown for one moment to acknowledge Don Carlos in the light of a belligerent. On the contrary, we saw a British legion, armed and equipped in England, and commanded by an English general officer, fight for the cause of the constitutional and rightful sovereignty.

When Hungary, some years later, made an heroic effort to reconquer her nationality and independence, England did not cease to consider her as a revolted province, although the sympathies of the majority of the English people were on the side of the rebels, and though nothing but the powerful intervention of Russia prevented a success of that revolution.

Recently, again, on the other hand, we have seen men and arms equipped by British subjects, leave the English ports to assist the cause of Italian independence under Garibaldi.

The people of the United States had certainly a right to hope and expect the same support in their struggle for their national existence against the unjust and unwarrantable revolt of an unprincipled oligarchy, based upon the most odious domestic institution, and against which no government has heretofore taken so decided a stand as Great Britain herself.

If not an actual violation of international law, it must certainly be considered an act of extreme unfriendliness on the part of any government to place itself on a footing of neutrality between a power with which it entertains intimate diplomatic and commercial relations, and a revolted portion of that nation, unrecognized by any civilized government, and having so far in no way shown any evidence that it will be able to maintain the position which it has assumed against its legitimate government.

I fear that the very cordial good-feeling which, notwithstanding the delicate questions arising, from time to time, between the two governments, has pervaded all classes of our people toward the British nation, and of which, as well as of their deep-felt veneration for the Queen, they have given such a unanimous and striking evidence on the occasion of the laying of the Atlantic telegraph cable, and the recent visit of the Prince of Wales, will make room to sentiments of bitter resentment and animosity if the British government should persist in its present attitude.

Even upon the point of strict neutrality the proclamation goes further than international law and comity would seem to require. While the prohibition of equipment and enlistment of armaments and troops by British subjects in British ports is a measure of neutrality, it is certainly stretching the point to prevent British merchant vessels from carrying arms, military stores, etc., etc., to our ports or those of the Confederate States. The ports of the latter being blockaded by our navy, this restriction is entirely aimed against us, and is, therefore, an actual assistance to the rebels.

During the Crimean war, notwithstanding the strict neutrality of our government, which forbade enlistments, etc., etc., our vessels carried troops, arms, and military stores from English and French ports into the Crimea. The American ship-owners did this at their own peril in case of capture by Russian vessels of war, but our government did not prohibit it, notwithstanding that, as in the present case, it only was done to the advantage of one of the belligerent parties, Russia being blockaded then as the South is now.

My fears that the position of England would only complicate matters, are, unfortunately, very likely to be realized. The sympathy of the British government for the South, so far from lessening the determination of our government and people, has only increased their ardor. It is now a question of national existence and commercial prosperity, and the choice can, of course, not be doubtful.

I have, within the last few days, seen the best informed and most influential men in our administration, and I am more than ever convinced that the war will be carried on with energy and vigor. Large numbers of troops are concentrating around Virginia and Maryland, and our navy is at once to be increased by the building of fifty steam gun-boats and several large vessels of war. The only chance for the peace of the world and the immense interests which are at stake in this struggle, is its early termination by the overshadowing power of the North.

England’s position threatens to prolong the war by giving hope and comfort to the rebels. The requirements of the cotton-spinners in Lancashire have, of course, a good deal to do with the unexpected attitude assumed by your government, but my conviction is, that if the North should be pushed to the wall by these hostile influences, and the war last more than a year, it will end in the complete destruction of the South, because what is now a war for the reconstruction of the Union, in which all the Constitutional rights of the South would be secured, would then lead to the utter annihilation of the slavery interest. The short-sighted policy of the gentlemen in Manchester, who now allow cotton to outweigh their anti-slavery professions, may therefore end in much worse consequences for them than the short supplies of one or two years.

The Morrill tariff would most assuredly have been modified, if not entirely repealed, at the next session of Congress, which is to assemble on the 4th of July next. The requirements of our revenue and the general feeling of the North called for it. I am, however, very much afraid that the unfriendly position assumed by England will produce a revulsion here, and that no modification can be obtained, unless preceded by a change in the tone and policy of your press and government.

I hope your influence and that of all those who wish to see a speedy end of our present calamities, will be exerted toward bringing about such a change.